德国社会民主党柏林纲领

在德国社会民主党一百多年发展史上六个纲领中,1989年12月在柏林党代会上通过的这一纲领是最近的一个纲领。因为该纲领不仅要适应自1959年著名的哥德斯堡纲领发表以来当代世界的新的发展变化,而且要对下一世纪德国党的发展起重大指导作用,所以该纲领从1984年全党酝酿到正式通过,前后历时5年半之久。德国党曾先后成立了以党的主席勃兰特和福格尔为首的两个纲领委员会领导纲领的制订工作,并曾于1986年和1988年拿出过两个纲领草案供全党讨论,足见德国党对这一跨世纪纲领非同寻常的重视程度。该纲领不仅对于我们研究德国党现行乃至未来几十年内的方针、路线、政策,而且对于我们研究民主社会主义在当代的历史发展和演变,都具有重大的现实意义和历史意义,随着时间的推移,该纲领在民主社会主义发展史上会愈显其价值。特此译出,供研究工作者参考,纲领全文共五个部分,其中第四部分"自由、公正和团结的社会:一种新的共存和协作的文化"共5小节:1.团结的社会中一切人的平等;2.未来的劳动和业余时间;3.通过社会公正达到团结的社会;4.对生态和社会负责的经济,5.国家和社会中的民主。因篇幅所限,故第四部分从略。文中有几处明显的反对共产党人的提法,为反映纲领原貌,此处照译,未作刪节,请读者有批判地阅读。     

柏林新青年

正55年前,东西柏林政治分界线的位置上竖起了一道高墙。28年后,随着这面被铁丝网缠绕、全长155公里的墙被拆除殆尽,那道横亘在战后时代的铁幕亦缓缓拉开,东德与西德合一,迷雾渐散,柏林城踏过旧时代的灰霾与阴云,一步步走向新生。而随之新生的,还有出生于新时代的儿童。如今,他们是柏林的新青年,新锐之子。他们轻轻叩动那些看似摇摇欲坠的回忆档案,却将更多热情奉给嘻哈与涂鸦。肆意飞扬的青春每每厌恨一切桎梏,他们自然如是。i Phone在手,他们匆忙踏着夜色行过,兜     

柏林共识?

我们不能通过印钞的方式永远推迟承担变革带来的阵痛。只有当既得利益者愿意为非既得利益者做出牺牲的时候,可持续性才可能实现。最近的柏林之行令我回想起自己的上一次到访,那是1967年的夏天,作为一个穷学生的我,在那堵还将继续分割和压抑整个德国社会20多     

柏林:在新与旧的和谐交融中

1990年10月德国统一,东西柏林也随之合二而一。1991年德国议会决定迁都柏林。1994年通过法律,决定迁都与新建工作从1998年至2000年分阶段完成。1999年9月德国联邦议院在柏林开始工作,标志着柏林重新成为统一后德国的政治中心。     

在柏林看德国“二战”灾难文化

今年8月20日,默克尔成为德国首位访问达豪集中营的总理,她沉痛地说:这个集中营代表我们历史中前所未有的恐怖篇章。它是一个警告,警告德国人,他们曾如何因为他人的种族、信仰,甚至性取向,而剥夺了他们生存的权力。今日德国,正是用这种方式一点点留下对历史的忏悔和对未来的承诺,同时它们也因此成为德国人认罪勇气的象征。68年前的9月2日,泊于东京湾的美国战舰密苏里号上,在包括中国的9个受降国代表注视下,日本在投降书上签字,之后的9月3日,被确定为中国抗日胜利纪念日,也成为世界反法西     

目标:柏林 1944年3月6日美军对柏林大轰炸回顾

二战期间,美军轰炸机对德国本土的空袭是历史上最为艰巨惨烈的空战行动之一。 1944年3月6日,美国陆航第8航空队对德国首都柏林发动了二战开始以来的第一次大规模昼间轰炸行动,这次轰炸又是美军同类空袭中最为艰难的一次行动,盟军和德军双方均损失惨重。 1944年3月,部署于英国本土的美军第8航空队认为,它已有足够强大的实力     

柏林街头小红褂

国外电影发行业很讲究为影片做宣传,往往不惜花费巨额的人力财力,对一部影片的首映式更是不遗余力。中国的影片一般不太注重包装,到了国外,在文化背景不同的情况下,更无法与其他国家的影片在广告宣传上进行较量,结果往往不少获专家好评的中国影片反而无法吸引观众。但今年在西柏林获“金熊奖”的《红高粱》却摆脱了这种局面。     

谁掌控柏林的历史

近半个世纪的分裂,是德国人心头的一个痛处。这场东西部的僵持以东德的垮台而告终,人们纷纷奔向西部,见证了民主自由体制的胜利。但,谁为东德的历史负责呢?     

周恩来在欧洲——一个革命家的诞生

《周恩来在欧洲——一个革命家的诞生》是他所著《周恩来传》一书中的一章,它从历史心理学角度,以精神分析方法探讨了周恩来同志早期共产主义思想的形成和发展过程。在翻译过程中,得到林代昭老师的具体指导与校正。     

周恩来与中东--纪念周恩来总理逝世30周年

周恩来作为一代伟人,一生建树颇丰.他是当代中国和世界最有影响的外交家,其外交思想光彩照人,不朽功绩永垂青史.他为开拓新中国对中东的工作做出了卓越贡献,其业绩对推动中国与中东国家关系的发展产生了重大而深远的影响.     

周恩来与泰国"和亲"使者的情愫

1956年8月19日,泰国政府的最高顾问乃讪在其总理銮披汶的支持下,通过绝密渠道,将自己的儿女送到中国学习.此乃被周恩来总理戏称为中泰关系中的"人质外交"事件.     

广州少年法庭印象

八月十三日至二十日,我应邀参加了由广州中院召开的2008年“羊城少年法庭之友”颁证、表彰暨广州法院少年审判培训班的开班仪式,并旁听了该院两起涉少刑事和民事案件的庭审;之后,分别到黄埔、番禺、萝岗、海珠区法院进行了考察;最后与中院领导和少年审判庭的负责同志就少年审判工作的有关问题进行了座谈。     

Recalling the Fall of the Berlin Wall

Twenty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the triumphant celebrations of the West, a new chapter of history has opened featuring the rising powers of Asia, led by China. Though embracing free markets, China has looked to its Confucian traditions instead of liberal democracy as the best route to good governance. Will China manage to achieve high growth and a harmonious society through a strong state and long‐range planning that puts messy Western democracy and its short‐term mindset to shame? Or, in the end, will the weak rule of law and absence of political accountability in a one‐party state undermine its promise? Francis Fukuyama and Kishore Mahbubani, the Singaporean thinker who has become the apostle of non‐Western modernity, debate these issues. In this section we also republish a collective memoir by George H.W. Bush, Mikhail Gorbachev, Margaret Thatcher and François Mitterrand, recalling their fears and hopes two decades ago as they brought the Cold War to an end.     

Memory Landscapes and the Labor of the Negative in Berlin

Focusing on the case of Berlin, this article explores the function of memory landscapes using the concept of the labor of the negative. Through three Berlin cases—the memorialization of the Berlin Wall, recent counter-memorials to the Holocaust, and the urban appropriation of voids through temporary projects—the article suggests that the labor of the negative constitutes Berlin’s memory landscape out of the interplay between absence and presence.     

Beyond the Crisis: Background Briefing from Berlin

The future of the European Union has never been more in doubt than at the very moment it has been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for its historical accomplishments. When the heads of Europe's weakest institutions—the Commission, the Council and the Parliament—collected the prize in Oslo on December 10, 2012 they spotlighted the nub of the problem. Unless these institutions can garner the legitimacy of European citizens and transform into a real federal union with common fiscal and economic policies to complement the single currency, Europe will remain at the mercy of global financial markets and the fiscally authoritarian dictates of its strongest state, Germany. Moving beyond this state of affairs was the focus of a recent “town hall” gathering in Berlin sponsored by the Berggruen Institute on Governance. The meeting brought together current power brokers—such as the contending voices of German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble and French Finance Minister Pierre Moscovici, who rarely appear in public together—as well as Europe's top former leaders, key thinkers and young people who will govern in the future. The peace‐building project of the European Union was born out of the ashes of World War II and the anguish of the Cold War. Yet, as George Soros points out, its current inability to resolve the eurocrisis by forging greater union is dividing Europe once again, this time between creditors and debtors. Former Greek premier George Papandreou has warned that this division is fomenting a new politics of fear that is giving rise to the same kind of xenophobic movements that fueled the extreme politics of the Nazi era. To avoid a repeat of the last calamitous century, Europe first of all needs a growth strategy both to escape the “debt trap” it is in—and which austerity alone will only deepen—and to create breathing space for the tough structural reforms that can make Europe as a whole competitive again in a globalized world. To sustain reform, it needs a clear path to legitimacy for the institutions that must govern a federal Europe. The proof that Europe can escape its crisis through a combination of growth, fiscal discipline and structural reform comes from the one country so many want to keep out of the union: Turkey. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan rightfully boasts of Turkey's accomplishments that resulted from the difficult changes carried out after its crisis in 2001—ranging from quickly cleaning up the banks to liberalizing markets to trimming social benefits to make them more affordable in the long run. As a result, Turkey today is the fastest growing economy in the world alongside China with diminished deficit and debt levels that meet the eurozone criteria that many members states themselves cannot today meet. Turkey has even offered a 5 billion euro credit through the IMF for financial aid to Europe. Germany itself also provides some lessons for the rest of Europe. The obvious reason Germany rules today is because it is the most globally competitive country in the European Union. That is the result of a series of reforms that were implemented starting in 2003 under the leadership of then‐chancellor Gerhard Schröder. Aimed a bolstering Germany's industrial base and its collateral small and medium enterprises which are the foundation of its middle class society, those reforms introduced more labor flexibility and trimmed benefits to make them sustainably affordable while investing in training, maintaining skills and research and development. Even if Europe's individual nation states can shrink imbalances by following Turkey and Germany in getting their act together, the only ultimate way to save the euro, and thus Europe itself, is to build the complementary governing institutions at the European level. For those institutions to become effective, they must be empowered and legitimated by European citizens themselves. To this end, Tony Blair has suggested a bold move: the direct election of a European president. Symbolically, the Oslo ceremonies were a historical turning point for Europe. By recognizing the European Union's peace‐making past, the Nobel Prize challenged Europe to escape once and for all the destructive pull of narrow national interests and passions.     

周总理对翻译的关心爱护

周总理学识的渊博、论述问题的透彻、政治家和外交家的风度,是国内外普遍公认的,同志们知道得也很多.我今天只从自己亲身经历的几件事谈周总理对翻译怎样既严格要求,又关心爱护和重视培养.