共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Shahra Razavi 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2001,15(1):201-224
Over the past two decades authoritarian regimes in many parts of the developing world, as well as in East/Central Europe, have been replaced by democracies. This paper looks at the issue of democratization from a gender perspective. While many of the problems afflicting the new democracies, such as the elitist character of political parties, and the failure of the state to guarantee civil and political rights or make a significant dent in poverty affect all citizens, they are manifested and experienced in gender-specific ways. Women's persistent exclusion from formal politics, in particular, raises a number of specific questions about how to reform democratic institutions since these institutions are not automatically gender-equitable. 相似文献
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Marianne A. Ferber Phyllis Hutton Raabe 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2003,16(3):407-430
Many years after the Velvet Revolution, feminism remains close to a dirty word in the Czech Republic, even among women who share the views of Western feminists. Surprisingly, this may in part hark back to the negative views of bourgeois feminism propounded by the Communists. Equally surprising is the very high proportion of women who are employed, almost all of them full-time, although they continue to do the lion's share of homemaking. This strategy enables Czech women to have a high sense of personal efficacy and independence. This paper emphasizes the historical roots of women's position in Czech society, and the importance of the cultural and social context for the emergence of what we term Feminism, Czech Style. 相似文献
4.
《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(5):549-567
Abstract This article is designed to examine the roles of Non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) in South Korea as an incubator of participative democracy and to review the evolution of their relationship with governments. The study is comprised of four parts. First, related literature on NGOs will be examined from three different perspectives: state‐civil society perspective, voluntary social service perspective, and policy perspective. Second, this essay will survey emerging roles of NGOs in promoting organized citizen participation in the three areas: political participation, voluntary social service participation, and policy participation. Third, recent governments' institutional efforts to support NGOs will be reviewed briefly. Finally, this paper will conclude with the implications for the future of government‐NGOs relationship in policy‐making processes. 相似文献
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The article discusses the reasons for the ten-year delay in the democratic transition in Serbia, focusing in particular on opposition parties and civil society. It argues that the policy of opposition parties was partly responsible for the failure of an earlier fall of the Miloevic regime. While civil society has been similarly weak and divided, the article details how a number of NGOs proved to be crucial in the coordinated campaign which lead to the overthrow of the Miloevic regime in October 2000. 相似文献
7.
The paper analyzes everyday life as an arena of politics and choice as a form of everyday power. The paper discusses the theoretical
debate on choice and everyday life as depoliticization mechanisms and claims, as opposed to the prevailing theory, that choices
made in everyday life form politics of small things. In the various choices that women make and the way they conduct their
everyday lives, they offer an alternative sociopolitical order based on a conscious, intentional choice. The experience of
Palestinian woman citizens of Israel living in cities of mixed Jewish and Palestinian populations serves as the field of study.
I argue that the choice to live in a mixed city and everyday life in this city constitutes an alternative life space for Arab–Palestinian
women that allows them to express their opposition to both their own society and the larger Jewish society and, at the same
time, serves as a setting for social change. Arab–Palestinian women utilize the space of the mixed city to forge new ways
for themselves and their families to structure gender relations, feminine identity, class identity, and Palestinian national
identity in a largely ethnonational and gendered unequal society.
相似文献
Hanna HerzogEmail: |
8.
Laila El Baradei 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(9):587-602
The purpose of this research article is to contribute to a better future for a New Egypt, after the January 25, Revolution of 2011, by focusing on how best to monitor elections by domestic civil society organizations (CSOs) through adopting an output, outcome, and impact model. It assesses comparatively the role of CSOs in monitoring elections in Ethiopia, Ukraine, and Nigeria, and derives lessons learned for Egypt. Through analyzing Egyptian CSOs websites and qualitative discussions and surveys with activists, proposed strategies for enhancing effectiveness are identified, including building wider coalitions and more use of new technology. 相似文献
9.
Barbara M. Cooper 《Canadian journal of African studies》2013,47(2-3):467-512
This article asks us to rethink the models that have conventionally represented the coming of Islam to Africa: that of a pre-established entity, given from the outside, coherent, monadic, unity, like an already formed identity. Using Lacanian challenges to conventional notions of identity, this article contests the above version of Islam, viewing it as an incarnation of the imago: always there, always obeying the logic of a model of transmission into Africa as a reception from abroad. The conventional representation of its irruption into Africa has always involved the misrecognition of an identity as a pre-existent, already-whole form, wait ing to be born, presumably in complete unity. What this model ignores is that the language and form of what it came to recognize and name as Islam were already there, and that the Islam that formed its newlyconscious sense of self was grounded in the same act of misrecognition as characterizes the mirror stage, that is, the stage at which the subject comes to state: “This is who I am.” In order to rethink the identitarian model, this article evokes the figure of the dead father, the “McGuffin” on which turns the drama of Hampaté Ba’s Wangrin and Sembène Ousmane’s Faat Kine. In both works, the act of exhuming the father’s body takes on a degree of fantastical importance because it situates the struggle between two competing mirror stage tendencies: narcissism and aggression, tendencies around which all forms of subject-identity formation take place. 相似文献
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Supriya Roychowdhury 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(3):29-50
This article looks at the ways in which marketisation reforms affect the empowerment, ideological universes and functioning limits of popular institutions. Under what circumstances do left-leaning trade unions accept job cuts and wage freezes? What are the boundaries of consent and dissent? Case studies of three public sector companies in Bangalore city in the southern state of Karnataka, India, indicate that labour rationalisation has occurred with trade union acquiescence and support. However, as yet there is no broad institutional framework to handle social security, rehabilitation and redeployment of displaced workers. Public sector workforce reduction is taking place in a general economic context where there has been little growth of employment in the organised manufacturing sector. Beneath unions' apparent acquiescence to rationalisation processes, there are critical areas of dissent. Dissent, however, has not manifested itself in a critical alternative to the state's rationalisation policies. Changing party-union relations, and shifts in the internal dynamics of unions affecting choice of leaders, union aspirations and ideologies - underwritten by the broader economic changes wrought by the marketisation process - partially explain the inability of the labour movement to shape a definitive challenge to the marketisation process. 相似文献
11.
This article investigates three hypotheses suggested in the literature on women’s political empowerment, operationalized here
as increased legislative representation. These hypotheses are that (1) electoral systems manipulate women’s political empowernment;
(2) increased popular participation empowers women in particular; and (3) accumulated experience gained over several electoral
cycles facilitates increased political empowerment of women. In Africa, as well as in other parts of the world, majoritarian
systems discriminate against women, while the effect of large parties in proportional representation systems is more ambiguous,
and popular participation and repetitive electoral cycles are increasing women’s legislative representation. This article
demonstrates the value of studying gender relations under democratization, even with a narrow institutionalist focus using
an elitist perspective. Finally, it shows that institutions can travel over diverse contexts with constant effects.
Staffan I. Lindberg is a Ph.D. candidate at Lund University. He has published on state building, democratization, and clientilism.
From 1999 to 2001, he worked as an international consultant to Parliament in Ghana. His dissertation is on elections and the
stabilization of polyarchy in sub-Saharan Africa.
I would like to acknowledge the helpful comments from Goran Hyden, Andreas Schedler, Wynie Pankani, two anonymous reviewers,
and the editors of the journal. The content, of course, is the author’s sole responsibility. This research has been made possible
by Sida Grant No. SWE-1999-231. 相似文献
12.
Issam Aburaiya 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2004,17(3):439-455
This article aims to explain the causes and meaning of the formal split of the Islamic Movement in Israel into two factions—following the decision to participate in the elections to the fourteenth Knesset (Israeli parliament) on May 29, 1996—while locating these in a larger theoretical framework. This split resulted from a delicate combination of doctrinal-ideological controversies relating to secular electoral competition and historical-political-tactical controversies that are rooted in the Israeli-Palestinian context. Specifically, the split of the Islamic Movement in Israel derived from two interpretations of the Islamic belief: a more literal or concrete interpretation and a more abstract one. 相似文献
13.
Social contracts and authoritarian projects in post-Soviet space: The use of administrative resource
Jessica Allina-Pisano 《Communist and Post》2010,43(4):373-382
Drawing on evidence from Ukraine and other post-Soviet states, this article analyses the use of a tool of political coercion known in the post-communist world as adminresurs, or administrative resource. Administrative resource is characterized by the pre-election capture of bureaucratic hierarchies by an incumbent regime in order to secure electoral success at the margins. In contrast to other forms of political corruption, administrative resource fundamentally rewrites existing social contracts. It redefines access to settled entitlements—public infrastructure, social services, and labor compensation—as rewards for political support. It is thus explicitly negative for publics, who stand to lose access to existing entitlements if they do not support incumbents. The geography of its success in post-communist states suggests that this tool of authoritarian capacity building could be deployed anywhere two conditions are present: where there are economically vulnerable populations, and where economic and political spheres of life overlap. 相似文献
14.
Arjan de Haan 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(5):115-142
Whereas other contributions in this volume focus on contemporary migration, this article explores the role migration has played over a long period of time, in western Bihar, India. By doing so, it reinforces one of the central themes in this volume, regarding the importance of migration for livelihoods: this case study challenges the assumption that migration would be a recent phenomenon, and argues that to understand the history of this area one needs to take account of the complex interaction between migration and development. Migration has been a livelihood strategy for many groups within the area, and the study explores how migration has been caused by and in turn influences poverty and livelihoods for men and women, and how these relationships have changed over time. 相似文献
15.
《发展研究杂志》2013,49(4):148-159
Demand for decentralisation of provision of public services is gaining ground in developing countries. Also, the policy advice to decentralise given by international agencies to the developing countries is turning into pressure. However, the benefits of decentralisation are not as obvious as the standard theory of fiscal federalism predicts. This article examines the effect of decentralisation of provision of drinking water in central India. The efficiency of water utilities under the control of the state government and those under the local governments is compared in terms of expense and asset utilisation. It is found that the decentralised provision of water supply is less efficient. The possible reasons for this counter intuitive result are analysed. 相似文献
16.
M. Patibandla 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(3):95-118
Policy reforms have facilitated entry of quite a few transnational corporations (TNC) into Indian industries. This has important implications for the evolution of competitive industrial structure. This article focuses on the issue of the response mechanism of local firms to competition from new entrant TNCs and the possible strategies of TNCs in penetrating the Indian market. It develops a conceptual framework by incorporating elements of intangible assets theory and new institutional economics into a simple sequential entry oligopoly model. This yields interesting insights into qualitative behaviour of firms in the post-reforms period. A few hypotheses drawn from the conceptual framework are empirically tested on the basis of firm level panel data drawn from a set of Indian industries. 相似文献
17.
Karim Makdisi 《Third world quarterly》2017,38(8):1691-1709
This article explores the successful Syrian chemical weapons disarmament process (2013–2014) within the context of post-Cold War coercive arms control policy and scholarship, particularly related to the Middle East. Based on extensive interviews with individuals involved in the process, we explore the coexistence of two rival, apparently contradictory narratives: one (backed by Western states) claimed coercion was the main contributor to disarmament, while the other (defended by Syrian authorities and Russia) insisted on the process’s consensual features. Our study suggests that the hybrid disarmament framework, embodied in a unique joint mission between the United Nations and the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, conveniently accommodated both narratives, which in turn contributed to the mission’s success. We then ask whether, with the apparent US retreat in the Middle East, the Syrian case (as well as the 2015 Iran nuclear deal) signals a possible turn in international non-conventional arms control processes that would leave more room for consent and diplomacy. 相似文献
18.
The need for nonprofits to foster legitimacy within their communities has led to growing calls for mechanisms of sound governance based on the engagement of stakeholders in organizational activities. Previous studies have investigated the mix of governance mechanisms used by nonprofits to manage legitimacy, without paying attention to the different challenges of legitimacy these organizations face. Aiming to fill this gap, this article employs a multiple case study methodology to explore how mechanisms for engaging stakeholders in governance can be shaped by the need to gain, maintain, or repair legitimacy. The findings show that formal mechanisms based on the direct designation of board members by local stakeholders play a pivotal role in repairing legitimacy. Gaining legitimacy requires actual participation of stakeholders, while maintaining legitimacy calls for formal mechanisms that balance representativeness and competencies of the leadership. 相似文献
19.
Nir Gazit 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2009,22(1):83-103
The study of the relationships among social agency, spatial practices, and political power opens new directions for empirical
inquiry and theorization of current modalities of sovereignty. Yet, recent research has overemphasized external variables,
such as globalization and international forces, as conditioners of sovereignty and state power, with diminished attention
on national and local realms. In the following article, I investigate state power beyond the limits of its official boundaries,
by examining how intruder states produce, manage, and sustain effective authority over occupied territories and populations.
I use the example of the Israeli occupation in the West Bank to demonstrate how such cases of political authority are based
on fragmented sovereignty: comprised of multiple, localized, and relatively autonomous cores of power, instead of an all-encompassing structural and
centralized modality of control. I propose that fragmented sovereignty is shaped and operated through the increasing autonomous
power of ground level state agents and in the ways spatial perceptions and practices are interwoven into localized political
processes.
相似文献
Nir GazitEmail: |
20.
Alwi Smith 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(10):683-688
Principally, the policy is made to change the situation to be the desired one. The policy implementation in management context is in the terms of socialization, coordination and the control. This research is focused in the result process of public policy related to the trash management. The joint influence between the socialization, coordination and the control through the implementer and society behavior to the effectiveness of trash management in Ambon is being considered. The structural equation modeling (SEM) and Analysis of Moment Structure (AMOS) 20 is used to analyze the data in this research. 相似文献