中国青少年对日意识调查报告——中国青少年能够理性看待日本

为了解中国青少年如何认识和看待日本，中国社会科学院“中国青少年对日意识调查”课题组将中国青少年的对日认知程度作为调研对象，于2008年9月下旬至12月上旬进行了一次小规模的问卷调查。通过此次对日意识调查可以看出，中国青少年对日本的了解和认识是比较全面的，其主流意识是正确的，地域环境、教育背景、互联网和日本文化对中国青少年的对日认知有一定影响。同时，调查结果也表明，当代中国青少年在不忘历史、正视历史的前提下，能够理性、客观、全面地看待和认识日本。     

Le public suisse face à la science et aux institutions: des relations à explorer

The purpose of this research note is to examine if the attitude toward science of the Swiss citizens is related to their confidence in Swiss institutions, precisely in political institutions. Based on the results of one survey (Eurobarometer 2001), we show that the attitude toward science is moderately related to the confidence, that the number of significant relationship of each institution depend on the level of confidence of the institution, and that we distinguish two types of relation: linear and inverted U‐shaped.     

论中国亚洲地区主义战略的构建及影响因素

中国的亚洲地区主义战略构建要着重注意三个方面:一是加强自己的亚洲认同,在国际事务中尽可能反映亚洲的利益.二是建设好三个支点,包括提升与东盟的关系,加强中国与东盟自由贸易区建设;重视中亚,使上海合作组织发挥更大的作用;积极主动地促成以中日韩为核心的东北亚地区合作.三是在亚洲地区合作中应积极参与和主导规则的制定和机制的构建,在亚洲自由贸易区建设中发挥一定的主导作用,发挥中国的政治大国优势,构筑亚洲地区主义发展的政治基础,在形成本地区多边安全机制中有所作为,逐步建立起涵盖各领域的互惠共赢和开放包容的地区合作网络.中国在构建亚洲地区主义战略过程中,既存在诸多有利条件,也有一些制约因素.     

越南的投资环境与中国企业在越投资情况分析

越南是近几年来国际直接投资的热点地区,也是我国实施"走出去"战略的重要目的地,越南安全的投资环境,良好的自然条件,低廉的劳动力价格,加上政府对投资所持的欢迎态度,使越南成为越来越多跨国公司的理想投资地,近年来越南的对外投资呈现一个高速增长的状态.作为越南的重要邻国,中国与越南在经济、文化、风俗习惯、生活方式、消费心理、建设社会主义市场经济等方面有许多共同点,这为中越之间开展经贸活动提供了更为便利的条件.目前中国在越南的投资还处在投资金额少、项目整体水平低的起步阶段,越南加入WTO后,中国企业面临着更多的投资机遇.     

Youth,politics and republicanism in the formative years of the state of Israel

The article focuses on the political establishment's attitude toward Israeli youth during the early years of statehood, viewing it from a new angle: regarding young people as a political force reflecting the effects of contemporary social development. I focus on those described as hegemonic youth, members of Israel's social and economic elites. This approach sees the attitude of the political establishment toward the youth as a political expression and suggests an instrumental approach toward youth and the youth ethos in Israeli society as a tool to construct republicanism. Hence, despite publicly having declared the need to strengthen the Zionist youth movements and young national activism, the state's financial and organizational efforts were mainly invested in generating alternatives to the pioneering youth movements, along with the effort to change their ideological and organizational base. These alternatives included ‘good citizenship’ education in schools and informal settings, which were disconnected from the Labor Movement's values and were suited to urban adolescents; the attempts to narrow the dominant position of the parties and the settler movements in pioneering missions, favoring state mechanisms instead; an increase in the state's investments in supplementary education; and the establishment of settings for youth and student clubs.     

South Korea's search for an independent foreign policy

South Korea's independent foreign policy should be understood as a growing self-reliant attitude in the process of managing foreign affairs, and not as a strict policy target that must be achieved within a single term of a specific government. In theory, an instrumental approach, rather than an ideological adherence, toward the alliance system with the US is relevant for South Korea. Most importantly of all, the Korean dream of independent foreign policy will be hard to realize until Koreans abandon the dependent mind-set in terms of national security and foreign policy.     

The Emerging Literature of the Peruvian Educated Underclass

This article attempts to explore the relationship between social change and literature in present-day Peru. It argues that the emergence of new fiction-writers and poets from large social sectors historically marginalised from Peruvian public life is part of a dramatic process of social change by which these sectors are gaining an important role in the transformation of their society. The article concludes that the work of these new writers reflects their search for a distinctive independent expression which mirrors their origins and their attitude towards their surrounding world.     

The Causes of Disease Impact Denialism in Nicaragua's Response to COVID-19

The response of the Nicaraguan government to the COVID-19 emergency is an extreme case of disease denialism. Such denialism is a major threat to public health, so understanding the sources of this attitude is paramount. Three explanations are offered: (a) the autonomous logic of a polarised political conflict; (b) an explanation based on an economic rationale; and (c) the regime's mystical and religiously-inspired discourse. The denialist response of the government is inexplicable without referring to the characteristics of the political regime, its political discourse and its recent developmental trajectories since the massive 2018 protests and the ensuing political conflict.     

韩国选民的政治社会化和支持候选人决定的稳定性——以第十七、十八届总统大选为中心

本文旨在从经验的角度,探讨不同的政治社会化经历对选民支持候选人决定的稳定性产生的影响。鉴于韩国政党政治历史不长,笔者将西欧意义上的政治社会化概念引入韩国社会。因此,本文以"和参照组的政治沟通"作为政治社会化指标,考察在2007年和2012年两次总统选举中韩国选民的政治社会化水平对支持候选人决定的稳定性产生的影响力。研究结果表明,韩国选民越是通过具有相同政治倾向的周围人实现政治社会化,稳定地支持同一政党候选人的倾向就越明显。这个结果意味着不同于以往不同居住地选民支持不同政党的惯例,韩国选民通过政治社会化来加强与特定政党之间关联性的基础正在形成。     

CONTINUITY / DISCONTINUITY

Starting from issues Wang Hui raises in “The Dialectics of Autonomy and Opening” (Critical Asian Studies 43:2), the authors of this article focus on the problematic coexistence of continuities and discontinuities in modern and contemporary Chinese politics. China's present role in the international scene, they argue, cannot be assessed in terms of economic performance, but requires new perspectives for rethinking the search of China for an original path in domestic politics, as well as the universalistic attitude toward the various forms of thinking coming from all over the world.     

Nepad's reception in the Nordic countries

The programme has generally been well received in these development‐friendly countries but there is still a sense of caution about the optimism and a wait‐and‐see attitude towards results.     

论巴黎协定后北越实行"政治优先"政策的原因

签署巴黎协定之后,北越并没有立即采用军事手段统一南方.虽然北越一直在向南越渗透人员和物资,但是在南越的蚕食行动面前,北越却保持了一种忍让的态度.考虑到当时南北双方的力量对比以及北越以往的进攻态势,它的这种行为是耐人寻味的.北越之所以会这样,一是为了最大限度地利用对自己有利的巴黎协定,二是为了避免美国的再度干涉,三是考虑到自身的实力问题.但这并不代表北越就要放弃统一越南的目标,正好相反,这只是为了实现其目标而采取的一种相当妥当的策略.     

古今丝绸之路地缘政治之较析——以张骞出使西域和郑和下西洋为例

以史为鉴、创新发展是“一带一路”建设中的重大课题。对古今丝绸之路进行地缘政治比较分析,是完成此课题的创新之举。古今丝绸之路在地缘政治客观情势中存在着机遇、国力、政策、精神、外部环境等可比较因素;在地缘政治主观能动反应上,存在着目的、动机、态度和方式上的可比较关系;在地缘政治效果上,存在着个人行为效果、地缘政治效果、全球化、民族精神、信息和地缘文化交流效果等。     

The effect of experience on the political attitudes of Korean college students

Korean student enter college singularly susceptible to the influence of their seniors, who tend to be critical of the Korean government and its relation to the United States, and by extension, the United States itself. One recent study involving 208 Korean college students suggested that the attitude of the great majority had become progressively less favorable, or more unfavorable toward the United States over a one-year-period, and more cynical concerning its motives. That study, however, did not control for age, and relied on students’ own impressionistic self-reports of their initial attitudes. The present study is a replication and extension of that one, using a panel of entering students, whose attitudes were measured during the first and last weeks of their first college semester. The results indicate that the change in attitude toward “anti-Americanism” occurs within this first semester.     

J.B. Chifley and the Indonesian Revolution, 1945–1949

This article traces the role of the Prime Minister, Joseph Benedict Chifley, in Australia's response to the Dutch‐Indonesian colonial conflict. It argues for Chifley's centrality to the formation of Australia's eventual policy to support Indonesian nationalist aspirations, a policy often in antithesis to the views of H.V. Evatt. This is significant because a focus on Evatt has distracted historians from ascertaining the causes of Australia's policy. Examining Chifley's attitude and role reveals that Australia's response to revolutionary Indonesia stemmed from an application to the Southeast Asian colonial question of a labourist and post‐war reconstructionist ethos, an idea of sweeping reform to rectify deep economic and social grievances.     

Recognising the People's Republic of China: A Reappraisal of Australian Foreign Policy During the First Menzies Ministry 1950–51

The attitude of the early Menzies Government towards the recognition of the People's Republic of China has not been well understood in the literature on Australia's international relations. The early Menzies regime has been taken by some scholars to be implacably opposed to communism, including Chinese communism, by others to have ceased to consider recognition because of the Korean War and by a third contingent to have been responsive to United States pressure not to recognise the Chinese communist government. A perusal of the foreign policy documents of the period of the first Menzies ministry reveals that both Menzies and Spender were giving favourable consideration to recognising the People's Republic of China during late 1950 and early 1951 and that none of these three views were decisive in preventing recognition. The question for Menzies and Spender was not whether to recognise but when to recognise and the actions of the Chinese communists themselves, in particular their attitude to British recognition, created the greatest impediment to recognition by Australia at that time.     

二战后日本政界的中国观

二战结束至中日复交前，日本政界人士的中国观大体分为“情感型”和“意识形态型”两种类型。以“情感型”中国观为主导的自民党非主流派和在野党人士在推动中日复交方面发挥了重要作用，而基于“意识形态型”中国观考量的自民党保守派以东西方阵营画线，采取敌视中国的外交姿态，成为阻碍和延缓中日复交进程的重大障碍。     

Was können Soziologen von Moral verstehen?

The paper deals with the role of morality within society, pointing out the relevance of empirical research on morals for sociological theory. According to Durkheim the moral sense concerns the relation between individuals and society. The observable formats of it are “moral reasoning” (in the sense of developmental psychology), which occurs on the mental level, and “moral communication” (in the sense of conversation analysis), emerging on the social level. Regarding the relation between moral competences and social contexts, an affinity can be found between the competences concerning “rule-consciousness”, “taking the perspective of the other” and “societal attitude” on the one hand and the communicative types of “scandal”, “conflict” and “social field” on the other hand.     

试论《燕行日记启本》中《附闻见事件十三条》之认识价值

朝鲜王朝纯祖时燕行使李基宪作《燕行日记启本》,其中之《附闻见事件十三条》以敏锐的视角和精确的信息客观展示了清朝中衰时期上自国家机器、下自社会民生全景式的历史画卷。我们从中可以看到嘉庆之政举、吏治之混乱、白莲教起义、天灾之肆虐、人民之离乱、民生之凋敝等。而作为一名外国人,李基宪准确恰当的记述也令我们叹服。     

Intra-European Bargaining and the ‘Tower of Babel’ EU Approach to the Burmese Conundrum

Since the 1990 imposition of an arms embargo, the European Union has kept on furthering its sanction policies towards Burma’s military regime in response to its poor record on human rights and authoritarian rule over the country. However, more than a decade after the 1996 EU Common Position on Burma, the European approach to the Burmese conundrum has still failed to achieve its initial objective of facilitating a transition to democracy and of stimulating aid and development in the country. This article seeks to underline the limits of the EU position by highlighting the internal and external obstacles the Europeans have been facing in their policymaking process towards Burma. It is argued that the varied and multiple interests of the 27 EU members; an influential European public opinion favouring an attitude of ostracism; and misunderstandings or miscalculations in appreciating the current state of Burmese affairs have hindered the EU from playing an efficacious role. Moreover these factors also impede its reappraisal.