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Historians' views about the impact of World War I on women's citizenship have diverged. Some scholars have emphasized that the war changed cultural understandings of suffrage due to women's patriotism and dedication to the war effort. Others have underlined that the politics of electoral reform determined whether or not women attained voting rights. Based on the cases of Austria and Germany where women were enfranchised in the context of revolutionary unrest triggered by the war, this article argues that the political process was in fact crucial. However, the claim of women's suffrage during the war is to be contextualized within a general understanding of republican citizenship and the concept of the ‘citizen soldier’. This discourse was essential to keeping the issue alive during the war. Nonetheless, further studies are still required to assess the war's impact on women and citizenship in the subjective sense of participation.  相似文献   

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The first decade of the twentieth century witnessed the growth of the suffrage movement, and a vigorous debate about the public role of women. Britain’s established churches were caught up in this discussion, as they addressed calls for women to have more authority in religious institutions. Dialogue among church leaders ranged between two extremes. Conservatives viewed women’s roles through the lens of ‘traditional’ gender constructs, opposing a public role and voice for women. Progressive factions contended that women should receive the political suffrage and the right to participate in church councils. The male hierarchy argued that empowered women were necessary for the ongoing ministries of the churches, and would be supportive of traditional morality. By 1919, the progressives had prevailed. This matched developments in the franchise, in which gendered qualifications for voting were swept away. Thus, the typically conservative churches played an important role in redefining women’s public roles.  相似文献   

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Evan Smith 《Labor History》2017,58(5):676-696
The Second World War (after June 1941) was a high point for the international communist movement with the Popular Front against fascism bringing many new people into Communist Parties in the global West. In the United States, South Africa and Australia, the Communist Party supported the war effort believing that the war against fascism would eventually become a war against imperialism and capitalism. Part of this support for the war effort was the support of black and indigenous soldiers in the armed forces. This activism fit into a wider tradition of these communist parties’ anti-racist campaigning that had existed since the 1920s. This article looks at how support for the national war effort and anti-racist activism intertwined for these CPs during the war and the problems over ‘loyalty’ and commitment to the anti-imperial struggle that this entanglement of aims produced.  相似文献   

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从历史维度回顾我国的劳动关系研究,总结具有中国特色的劳动关系管理经验,对于指导中国和谐劳动关系的构建具有重要意义。研究基于我国不同阶段的发展目标对劳动关系的影响,将1949—2021年我国劳动关系的研究划分为5个阶段,并进行分阶段的可视化分析。在此基础上,从政府、企业和劳动者3个劳动关系核心主体回顾每个阶段的研究主题,梳理我国劳动关系研究的演进过程。本研究提出巩固中国共产党在劳动关系工作中的领导地位、探究政府构建和谐劳动关系的路径、挖掘企业社会责任履行的方式等未来我国劳动关系的主要研究命题,构建了中国情境下劳动关系的研究模型并提出了劳动关系实践的发展方向。  相似文献   

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Prior research has identified a vast number of correlates for delinquent behavior during adolescence, yet a considerable number of errors in prediction remain. These errors suggest that behavioral development among a portion of youths is not well understood, with some exhibiting resilience and others a heightened vulnerability to risks. Examining cases that do not confirm prediction outcomes provides an opportunity to achieve a greater understanding of the relationships between risk factors and delinquency, which can be used to improve theoretical explanations of behavior. This study explores the contribution of genetic and environmental factors to differences in individual responses to cumulative risk for delinquency among a sample of adolescent twins (N = 784 pairs, 49 % female) in the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health. The results indicate that additive genetic and unique environmental factors significantly contribute to variation in responses to cumulative risk across 14 risk factors spanning individual, familial, and environmental domains. When analyzed separately, the majority of the difference between vulnerable youths and the overall population was attributed to genetic influences, while differences between resilient youths and the population were primarily attributed to environmental influences. The findings illustrate the importance of examining both genetic and environmental influences in order to enhance explanations of adolescent offending.  相似文献   

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由于传统"孝老"文化的老龄观、劳动力市场和社会保险体制的二元化、计划经济时代国家强制退休制度的影响,我国立法和司法层面排斥高龄劳动者就业,否定他们的劳动者主体资格,存在就业年龄歧视,并违反劳动法的实质正义价值。美国、韩国和日本等国家制定了高龄劳动者就业保障的法律法规,以促进高龄劳动者就业。但由于不同国家人口结构和雇佣体制的差异,导致规制路径和制度设计存在较大差异。随着人口老龄化的加剧以及积极老龄化国家战略的确立,中国对高龄劳动者就业规制应该由排斥向促进转型。研究认为,可以采取将高龄劳动者纳入劳动法保护的范围之内、通过立法允许雇主在劳动条件方面对高龄劳动者进行合理的差别对待、建立高龄劳动者基准就业比例、修改《失业保险条例》以覆盖高龄劳动者等措施来促进中国高龄劳动者就业。  相似文献   

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自 21 世纪以来,我国收入分配制度改革经历了从“中心化”向“非中心化”的发展与革新。 2015 年以前,各地收入分配制度改革的相关举措具有对象上以劳动关系为中心、路径上依赖政府之手与非市 场性手段的特点。此种“中心化”的制度安排难以妥善处理短期成效与长期可持续性、工资普惠性与激励性、 部分群体受益与更弱势群体相对受损之间的辩证关系,存在将矛盾转移至政府的潜在风险。研究认为,在收入 分配制度改革“非中心化”的设计中,需兼顾活力、耐力与定力。一方面,在共创、共享、共治原则下找准市场、 政府与劳资双方的定位;另一方面,盘活劳动力横向与纵向流动性,在落实机会平等的基础上完善按劳分配。  相似文献   

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