论反限制原则——基于欧盟法与成员国法关系的分析

国际法与国内法的关系是长久以来困扰国际法发挥效力的重要问题,因其错综复杂而难以有效解决。在欧洲一体化进程中,欧洲法院在欧盟法与成员国法关系上推行欧盟法优先原则,欧盟成员国大多有条件接受了欧盟法高于本国法的地位,以德国、意大利为代表的一些成员国则通过反限制原则为欧盟法优先原则设立了例外情形,在支持欧盟法优先的同时又设立了保护本国利益的安全阀。为使该原则的适用不损害欧盟法律秩序的有效性并成为推动欧洲一体化进程的规则,成员国宪法法院在适用该原则的时候自行限制了反限制审查权,在适用条件、适用程序与适用方式等多方面对反限制审查权进行了规范。这为如何处理国际法与国内法的关系、平衡国际法治与国家利益之间的关系提供了一个极有借鉴价值的案例。     

欧盟对外协定法律效力的国际法与欧盟法视野

欧盟法的各种法律渊源可以划分出明显的等级层次和不同的效力范围。确立欧盟对外协定法律效力的法理基础来自国际法上的条约信守原则和欧盟法的本身规定,这也因此为欧盟签署对外协定确立了国际法和欧盟法这两个不同维度的法律效力来源。在国际法视野下,欧盟对外协定的法律效力包括了两层含义:一是指欧盟对外协定所适用的范围及其约束力,包括欧盟对外协定的时间效力和空间效力;二是指欧盟对外协定的直接效力和最高效力。在欧盟法视野下,其效力表现在欧盟对外协定构成欧盟法不可分割的一个部分,以及对欧盟法的司法审查机制。欧盟一直致力于增强其内部一体化和统一的对外国际法人格的改革方向。其具体进展进度除了需要欧洲法院在司法领域的进一步积极推动,还需要评估欧盟各成员国的主观政治意愿,从而为未来欧盟对外协定的功能拓展赋予新的发展边界。     

论欧盟法的性质及其对现代国际法的贡献

包括建立欧盟的国际条约、欧盟自己制定的各项立法以及欧盟各国的相关国内法在内的欧盟法是现代国际法发展的突出表现,这种发展不仅表现在欧盟法扩大了现代国际法的调整范围,还表现在欧盟法在国际法和国内法的转化机制上创设了一种"自动"模式。通过这种自动的转化机制,将欧盟由一个国际组织渐次演变成一个统一的"国家"。欧盟法对现代国际法的贡献必将对国际法发展的历程产生重要影响。     

宪法乎?条约乎?——对《欧盟宪法条约》的法理学分析

《欧盟宪法条约》在法理上具有两重性。一方面,欧盟宪法已经具备了主权国家宪法的一些属性,其功能超越了国际组织的章程,更接近主权国家的宪法;其形成过程带有一定的“民主性”;其形式和内容都具有主权国家宪法的一些特征。另一方面,欧盟宪法本质上仍然没有脱离国家间条约的范畴,欧盟制宪的目的不是建立一个新型的主权国家,宪法产生的基础和程序仍然是国家间的合意,具体内容也更多地体现了国际组织章程的性质。欧盟宪法的两重性是由欧洲一体化发展的现实状况决定的,是欧盟在面对主权障碍时妥协折中的产物。欧盟条约的宪法化对国际组织法、区域国际法乃至整个国际法的发展都有着重要意义:它开国际组织宪章宪法化之先河,为国际组织法律化提供了思路和模式;其规定大大超出了一般区域国际法的基本规范,为其他区域一体化组织的发展提供了借鉴,推动了区域国际法的发展和创新;欧盟宪法的产生开创了一个民族国家体系与超国家治理并存的新时代,对走向全球治理的国际法也必将产生重大影响。     

论“欧盟航空减排指令”与国际法的冲突问题——欧洲法院司法审查的悖论

欧盟最近作出了暂停对进出欧盟机场的第三国国际航班实施“航空减排指令”的决定,一定程度地缓和了此前国际社会和欧盟之间的紧张局势。不过,欧盟仍然以欧洲法院关于“美国航空运输协会案”的裁决为“背书”,坚持其单边措施的合法性,并且不排除未来有继续实施的可能。虽然欧洲法院在“美国航空运输协会案”中曾裁定该指令并未违反国际法,但这一内部裁决并不能改变欧盟单边措施违反国际法的事实。根据欧洲法院的判例法,国际法要成为欧洲法院的司法审查标准需满足严格的限制条件。欧洲法院基于“内向型司法”的倾向,对《芝加哥公约》、《京都议定书》和国际习惯法规则进行了限制性解释,因而使国际法在“美国航空运输协会案”中被边缘化。欧洲法院维护了欧盟法的“自主性”,但损害了欧盟“尊重国际法”的宪法性目标和原则。因此,包括中国在内的国际社会成员在国际法上有充分理由抵制欧盟的单边航空减排措施。与此同时,国际民航组织应争取在年内就全球航空业的温室气体减排问题达成一个公平的解决方案,以避免欧盟重返单边主义。     

南海仲裁案与中国在南海的历史性权利

近年来,南海"U形线"突然受到来自国际社会某些成员的质疑。在这样的背景下,本文针对菲律宾提交国际仲裁的关于U形线以及该线所产生的历史性权利所涉及的国际法问题展开讨论和解析。国际法是一个立体的系统,仅仅局限于单一的法规无法解决当今社会诸多复杂的实际问题。在南海问题上,《联合国海洋法公约》不能作为仅有的国际法依据渊源。U形线在国际法上有着特殊的地位,中国在U形线范围内主张的法律权利,都是在国际法的框架下享有的应有权利。除领土主权和主权权利之外,中国还享有国际法上的历史性权利。国际社会对于中国在南海U形线内的历史性权利不甚了解甚至有重大误解,这与中国政府历来未明确U形线的法律地位有关。在未来调整对U形线以及历史性     

法治:欧洲联盟的一个基本原则

欧洲联盟/欧洲共同体是第一个建立在法治基础上并在实践中贯彻实施法治原则的国际组织,法治已成为欧盟的一个基本原则。法治原则在欧盟的形成,一方面是因为欧盟基础条约为欧盟实行法治提供了法律与制度基础,另一方面是欧洲法院通过其司法实践推动了法治原则在欧盟的确立及其在实践中的发展。本文探讨了欧盟法治原则的条约基础、欧洲法院在欧盟法治原则形成与发展中的作用以及欧盟法治的一些基本特点,认为欧盟法治既具有法治的一般共性,又具有特殊性。     

欧盟的国际法治观——基于联合国“国内和国际法治”议题探析

促进国际法治既是欧盟外部法治的重要内容,也是欧盟对外行动的重要目标。2006年联合国“国内和国际法治”议题的启动为欧盟双边法治行动的多边化创造了条件,也为欧盟的对外法治行动获得联合国框架下的国际正当性提供了可能。欧盟积极参与该议题的对话、讨论和辩论,不断为国际法治提供欧盟的观念与行动方案,以“在更广泛的世界中坚持和促进其价值观和利益”。欧盟的国际法治观具有以《联合国宪章》为基础和国际法为中心;淡化主权色彩,强调国际法义务的履行;推崇国际司法以及弱化国际社会与欧盟社会的结构性差别四大特点。从当代国际法和国际社会的基本结构角度看,欧盟的国际法治观既具有积极意义,也存在消极的一面,可能在观念和实践层面对欧盟法治自身以及中国的法治进程(尤其是参与国际法治建设)产生多方面影响。欧盟的国际法治观最终能对国际法治的演进产生多大影响,相当程度上可能取决于欧盟内部法治的经验如何与国际社会的结构相适应,这也意味着欧盟的国际法治观本身必须具有动态性。     

人权意识与代理合作:欧盟领事保护的探索及其对中国的启示

欧盟作为当今国际社会中一个较为特殊的行为体,其领事保护中较为复杂而容易引起争议的地方主要体现在两个方面,即人权意识与代理合作。人权意识与制度化的增强,一方面推动了领事保护的发展,另一方面容易使得公民对领事保护的期望与要求提升得过高。欧盟成员国的人权观念,更多强调的是其权利的方面,较为忽视权利与义务的关联。欧盟开创的领事保护形式虽然争议较大,但在一定程度上仍可以获得国际法以及国际社会的认可,其他国家包括中国也已有类似的一些实践。基于国际法的人本化以及人的因素在国际实践中的凸显,为了更好地维护海外公民的权益,未来的领事保护形式将会越来越多样和普遍。对于欧盟领事保护中的人权意识与代理合作,我们应辩证地分析和对待,既要借鉴其领事保护的合理经验,又要避免其资源浪费和领事干涉的消极影响。     

双碳目标下碳捕集与封存的立法规制：欧盟方案与中国路径

碳捕集与封存(CCS)技术是碳减排和气候变化治理的有效工具,目前我国尚未出台专门的CCS法律。欧盟CCS研发处于世界领先地位,伴随CCS应用国际法律障碍的消除和CCS能源与气候变化政策的驱动,欧盟基于二氧化碳封存生命周期建立了以许可为核心的监管框架和以欧盟碳排放交易体系(EU-ETS)为主导的激励机制。实践表明,欧盟CCS法律框架存在着责任制度过于严格、激励机制不健全、公众参与机制缺失等问题,这些成为了欧盟推动CCS发展的法律障碍。鉴于我国双碳目标和CCS项目扩大示范的需要,我国CCS的规制必须从政策转向法律。我国应在总结欧盟CCS法律框架经验和不足的基础上,创设以监管与促进并重的双阶法律体系,一方面构建以二氧化碳封存生命周期为中心的监管框架预防CCS的风险,另一方面完善以消解CCS资金短缺为目标的多元激励机制促进CCS发展,同时改进公众参与机制消解公众对CCS的风险疑虑。     

全球治理视野下欧盟规范力量探析——以欧盟国际货币基金组织代表权改革为例

近年来,国际组织代表权改革日益成为欧盟在全球治理中发挥规范力量面临的重要课题。欧盟国际货币基金组织代表权问题的案例研究表明,欧盟身份的复杂性使之在这一问题上既表现出支持相关改革的意愿,又因自身的既得利益、法律地位和治理结构的制约而表现出一定的保守性。围绕欧盟对外向发展中国家转让代表权和对内逐步统一代表权的争论是一个国际体系、地区和成员国层面的三重博弈过程,也是欧盟在参与全球治理过程中关于自身规范力量身份的建构过程。     

The EU against the New Normal: Avoiding the Banalization of the Israeli‒Palestinian Dispute

This article assesses the European Union (EU)’s engagement with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and highlights the unintended consequences of the policies pursued by Brussels on this matter. While stressing that Palestinians and Israelis interested in peace face the danger of the banalization of the conflict, the article argues that the current status quo is unacceptable and unstainable in the long run, and this demands new policies from the actors involved with the conflict or its resolution. The EU policies’ overall rationale must be to treat the Israeli?Palestinian dispute as a normal, non-exceptional conflict, in which economic and legal tools can be employed to create new legal facts on the ground. An alternative EU approach to the conflict must recognize the insufficiency of recent initiatives and should be built upon two pillars: the legalization of the main contending issues and the empowerment of the civil society actors and initiatives that foster dialogue between Palestinians and Israelis.     

Environmental “Voluntary” Agreements: Conditions for Making Them Work

In the 1990s, Environmental Voluntary Agreements (EVAs) have received increased attention as an alternative or supplement to traditional policy instruments, such as taxes and legal regulation. Today, there is a tendency in industry and among some countries to consider EVAs as generally viable policy instruments across different sectors and problems. This article points to the risk of viewing EVAs as generally effective by exploring the conditions under which they are likely to affect the behavior of target groups. Three factors are identified: the type of problem to be solved, the political context in which the problem is approached and the type of agreement applied. The argument is that EVAs are most likely to work when problems are "easy" and can be coped with through "no‐regret" measures, when the political context is consensual and when the agreements themselves are advanced. These conditions are then confronted with the comprehensive voluntary program developed in the Netherlands and recent EU initiatives in this field.     

Hostile Receptions: Dilemmas of Democracy, Legitimacy and Supranational Law

The increasing resonance of international humanitarian law in the domestic sphere, primarily through the implementation of treaty obligations in domestic legislation, gives international law a relevance to local communities never before seen. Whilst the effects of this phenomenon defy generalisation in Australia today, it is possible to discern a range of responses from indignation at the overarching reach of international law to the domestic space, to vindication of historical claims of mistreatment at the hands of colonial oppressors. Recent shifts in Commonwealth legislation and policy have sparked debate on whether the federal government has breached its international obligations. Notwithstanding the importance and currency of this question, and irrespective of one's views on it, there is a broader issue raised by the question, which is more amenable to academic investigation. It may be framed in the following terms. How can, and should, the ideal of democratic control of legislation and the legal system generally be reconciled with the development of an autonomous international legal system? The article will approach this question from a comparative perspective, drawing on legal and political developments in the EU and Australia. It seeks to justify a comparative analysis on the basis that Australia (an established federation) and the EU (an emerging federation) are both dealing with issues of reception of supranational law within domestic systems. It concludes that there is a need to reaffirm the legitimacy of supranational law both as an expression of national sovereignty and as an outcome of rational discourse — i.e. it has come into being with right process and is considered binding.     

从经济自由到社会公正——欧盟对自由流动劳动者社会保障的法律协调

自由流动是实现欧洲单一市场,进而实现经济一体化的基础。而劳动者的自由流动既有与其他生产要素相同的地方,又有自身的特殊要求,特别是只有保证在自由流动的情况下其社会保障权利不受到损失,劳动者才能有自由流动的积极性。但如何对成员国千差万别的社会保障体系进行协调,则是一个非常棘手的问题。欧盟在协调自由流动劳动者的社会保障权利方面已经有50年的历史,主要采取的是法律协调方式。本文分析了欧盟对自由流动劳动者的社会保障法律协调的历史发展、主要立法和原则、特点及其局限性,指出,尽管由于各种原因,欧盟对自由流动劳动者社会保障法律协调仍存在着一定的缺陷,但它具有其他国际机制所不具备的优势,有很多值得我们借鉴的地方。     

欧盟与东盟关系的新发展及其动因

进入新世纪后,欧盟与东盟的关系呈现新的发展势头:双方在经济、政治、安全、社会、文化等领域的合作不断扩大和深化,且这种合作关系建立在更加平等、互利、灵活、务实的基础之上.双方关系发展的动因在于国际形势的变化以及双方对共同利益的重新认识.     

Arbeitnehmerfreizügigkeit und Diskriminierung auf dem deutschen Arbeitsmarkt – Europäische Politik,transnationaler Mobilitätsraum und nationales Feld

The paper deals with the interaction of horizontal and vertical European integration. It asks whether the principle of free movement of labour does not only legally but also de facto prevent discrimination of non-nationals in EU Member States. Theoretically, the analysis is framed by distinguishing three interrelated types of social fields: a supranational political field of free movement of labour, national labour market fields and an intermediary transnational space of mobility. Focusing on the German labour market and drawing on comprehensive administrative data the article shows that wage differences are to a large extend caused by differences in relevant labour market characteristics such as age or education. However, for the vast majority of EU non-nationals in Germany is also observed discrimination in payment. Strikingly, positive discrimination is more pronounced than negative discrimination. These differences are understood as hinting at the increasing importance of comparisons between national labour markets in the EU.     

De-Europeanisation of Civil Society and Public Debates in Turkey: The Kurdish Question Revisited

Abstract

This study discusses the dynamics of de-Europeanisation and the changing impact of Europe on the politically mobilised civil society involved in the public debates concerning Turkey’s Kurdish question. The article first critically assesses how and in what ways the legal and constitutional reforms on the freedom of assembly required by the European Union (EU) changed the political structure in which civil society organisations (CSOs) operate in Turkey. It then examines the views of CSOs on the potential roles and limitations of the EU in the Kurdish question and the peace process which lasted between March 2013 and July 2015. It also delineates the reasons why the political context of Europeanisation is not seen as instrumental by these CSOs to framing and justifying their arguments.     

欧债危机:治理困境和应对举措

欧洲主权债务危机揭示了欧元区重债国家公共财政的不可持续,同时也将欧元区治理结构的弊端暴露无遗。欧盟受其利益多元和政治体制复杂性以及法律框架的制约,难以独立做出迅速和有效的危机应对举措。因此,债务危机的解决方式不可能立竿见影,这一软肋充分暴露在市场面前,使危机短期内可能不断反复。欧盟国家要走出债务危机,短期内需建立防火墙,控制危机大蔓延,同时大力削减公共财政赤字,尽快恢复市场信心;中期则需改进欧元区的治理结构,加强财政协调和监督;若要最终走出危机,则需提高经济竞争力,促进经济增长,促使公共财政走入良性循环。     

The Duty to Assist and Its Disincentives: The Shipping Industry and the Mediterranean Migration Crisis

The role of commercial ships in the Mediterranean migration crisis is little-noticed in the media and by the general public, and largely disregarded in the EU’s political responses to the crisis. Whereas large-scale national and regional actions such as the Italian-administered Mare Nostrum and the EU’s Frontex-administered Triton operations have become part of the vocabulary surrounding the crisis, the rescue of 42,000 migrants by commercial vessels in 2014 – and the implications thereof – is rarely commented upon. More importantly, the commercial shipping industry is rendered invisible in the EU policy responses to the Mediterranean migration crisis, which disregards both the efforts and challenges experienced by the industry. For this reason, this profile zooms in on the migration crisis from the point of view of commercial shipping, and argues that it is of fundamental importance that European policy responses to the crisis tackle the multiple disincentives experienced by the commercial shipping industry towards upholding the duty to render assistance to vessels in distress at sea. The concrete policy actions suggested here answer to the challenges experienced by the commercial shipping industry; aid the industry in its efforts to undertake its legal and moral duty to render assistance; and, in effect, save more lives at sea.