适应建设马克思主义学习型政党的要求进一步做好干部教育培训工作

干部教育培训是建设马克思主义学习型政党的重要组成部分,可以营造学习型政党建设的基础,培训学习型政党建设的骨干,提升学习型政党建设的水平。适应建设马克思主义学习型政党的要求,做好新形势下的干部教育培训工作,必须切实加强马克思主义基本理论教育、党性教育、加强领导能力、学习型组织建设理论培训;必须改进方法,坚持以学员为中心,以问题为导向,立足于提高干部的能力,必须大力推行行动学习法,必须坚持把培训学习与干部培养选拔结合起来。     

Strengthening and Professionalizing Political Education in China's Higher Education

Party control over higher education in reform-era China has been a relatively neglected topic in the extant literature. Seeking to remedy this neglect, this article focuses on an aspect of the topic that has remained unstudied in Western scholarship: namely, the post-1989 regime's efforts to strengthen and professionalize political education (PE) in universities by intensifying the ‘disciplinary construction’ of PE. The article finds that these efforts have been partially successful in meeting the regime's objectives. The training of PE teachers has been considerably professionalized; PE courses have become more attractive and effective; and more students tend to accept the Party-sponsored views and policies taught in PE courses, and to support Party leadership.     

协商治理与社会矛盾化解

协商民主是实现党的领导的重要方式,是中国社会主义民主政治的独特优势。党的十八大以来,随着社会主要矛盾的变化,实施民主协商逐步成为中国基层预防和化解社会矛盾的重要方式。党的十九届四中全会上,"民主协商"成为社会治理体系的基本组成部分。协商民主对于实现利益整合、降低决策风险、培育社会自治和增进公共理性具有显著功效。在化解基层社会矛盾方面,协商民主制度在不同的决策阶段发挥着重要的治理效能。中国共产党的群众路线的传统、各级党委政府对协商民主制度的倡导、基层社会协商民主实践的创新,构成了中国基层社会协商治理发展的动力。     

基层党的领导与村民自治关系研究

村民自治的确立和实现,从根本上讲是中国共产党有效领导、积极组织和大力推进的结果,《村民委员会组织法》明确了基层党组织对村民自治的＂领导核心＂地位。但实践中,党的领导与村民自治之间出现了不协调,只有正确把握党的领导与人们当家作主之间的关系,改变党的领导观念和领导方式,不断进行制度创新,把基层党的领导权与村民自治权有机结合起来,才能实现党对村民自治的坚强领导,保障村民自治的健康发展。     

Introduction: The Basic Law,Governance and Electoral Politics in China's Hong Kong and Macao since 1997

1 July 2007 marks the tenth anniversary of Hong Kong's retrocession to Chinese sovereignty to become a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the PRC. The HKSAR has functioned under the ‘One Country, Two Systems’ framework as enshrined in the Basic Law, its mini-constitution. Upon the resumption of Chinese jurisdiction over Macao on 20 December 1999, a similar ‘One Country, Two Systems’ formula also came into effect for the new MSAR under its Basic Law. The ‘One Country, Two Systems’ formula that guarantees a high degree of autonomy in both Hong Kong and Macao is also a cornerstone of the PRC's strategy toward peaceful reunification with Taiwan. To provide a more balanced and informed understanding of these two Chinese SARs in actualizing the ‘One Country, Two Systems’ model, this special section of four articles adopts a bi-focal approach. On the one hand, it presents in a joint article the views of two leading mainland Chinese legal scholars (Professors Geping Rao and Zhenmin Wang, both National People's Congress Hong Kong Basic Law Committee members) on some vital dimensions of the Basic Law. On the other hand, it offers three articles with a more locally anchored perspective—a comparative analysis (by Professor Sonny Lo) of the contrasting HKSAR and MSAR experiences, and two case studies (by Professors Bruce Kwong and Eilo Yu) that highlight key features of patron–client linkages and informal politics dynamics in HKSAR and MSAR elections and politics.     

Turning a Chinese Kid Red: kindergartens in the early People's Republic

To win the hearts and minds of the Chinese people, Chinese Communist leaders launched a series of educational reforms to instill new socialist ideas and nationalistic fervor in kindergarteners immediately after the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949. Under the strong influence of Soviet advisers and through a number of methods (games, singing, storytelling, site visits), Chinese kindergarteners were taught the nobility of labor, the sacrifice of soldiers, the grandeur of Tiananmen Square, the wise leadership of Chairman Mao Zedong, and the evilness of enemies. However, contrary to the conventional view, this article argues that Chinese education officials and kindergarten teachers never blindly followed Soviet educational models. They appropriated Moscow's techniques to suit their domestic needs, which included promoting nationalist feelings among children to consolidate the Chinese Communist Party's legitimacy and power. Ultimately, Chinese kindergarteners were turned into Party loyalists, not admirers of a foreign socialist model. Although the Party encountered difficulties in recruiting reliable teachers to implement its policies, it was able to impose nearly total control from above over the political content of kindergarten education. Under the one-party system, Chinese children were only taught what the Communist leaders wanted them to learn.     

From rule of man to rule of law: An unintended consequence of corruption in China in the 1990s

The ethics of government in the People's Republic of China have been corroded by rampant corruption over the last two decades. The corruption has not only weakened the state's legitimacy and capacity to govern, but also provided an opportunity (to a certain degree, a catalyst) for a possible change from a traditional society ruled by man into a rational‐legal society ruled by law. Economic reforms over the past 20 years have unleashed market forces in a nation so dominated by the Party‐state that basic boundaries and distinctions defining the limits of markets and official power have been weak or nonexistent. At one level, this has made for an increase in corruption and confusion about the meanings of the term. At another, it has produced a situation that requires the improvement of the legal system to handle the issue effectively. Beijing leadership seems to have realized the importance of strengthening the legal system in addressing this issue. This shift in strategy may have profound implications for the prospect of institutionalizing the changes in post‐Deng China. This paper hopes to reveal how corruption, or the effort to check corruption, is helping to draw a distinction between private and public domain and between politics and administration, to redefine codes of conduct for public administrators, and to demand institution‐building in political processes.     

全面建设小康社会机遇期内党的自身建设重点解读

全面建设小康社会机遇期内加强和改进党的自身建设 ,是党的十六大的一个重要的观点。其主要内容是 ,在加强和改进党的思想、组织、作风等三大建设方面 ,贯彻三个代表重要思想、形成高水平的领导层及根治腐败等九个重点。分别从党的科学性、严密性、一致性及纯洁性侧面来加强和改进党的自身的创造力、凝聚力和战斗力。     

The impact of reform on the party and ideology in China

In the People's Republic of China (PRC), the monolithic organization of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and its unchallenged official ideology, Mao Zedong Thought, used to be the two mighty pillars sustaining Communist rule during Mao's era. Since the late 1970s, however, these two pillars have been shattered by a series of post‐Mao economic and political reforms under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping. As the result of a drastic decline in the standing of the party leadership and its official ideology, the ruling methods and foundation of the current regime have also changed. How did the reforms significantly affect the party and the official ideology? How did the changes in the roles of the party and ideology, in turn, redefine the nature and ruling methods of the current Communist regime? What do these changes imply for the future of this regime and the course of ongoing political and economic modernization? These questions, which are crucial for our understanding of the nature of sociopolitical transition in China, will be addressed in this article.     

论高职院校统一战线的定位和创新

统一战线工作是高职院校党委工作的重要组成部分,它关系到党的统战政策的贯彻落实,关系到学校的科学发展、人才培养等各项工作。推进高职院校统一战线工作,必须设立统战部门,建立党委领导制度、经费保障制度、非党干部培养选拔制度、信息化制度、考核评价制度等各种制度和机制。     

Direct Township Elections in China: latest developments and prospects

The first direct election of township government leader was held in Sichuan Province in 1998, following a decade of direct elections at the village level. There have since been experiments with four categories of elections at the township level: direct elections of government leader, deputies to the People's Congress, Party Secretary, and deputies to the Party Congress. Various indirect methods under different terms have also been introduced, which invariably increase the more active participation of ordinary voters. The assessments of these elections vary from total negation, serious doubts to enthusiastic praise. Suggestions for improvement focus on lowering the qualifications of candidates and allowing campaigning by candidates themselves. Following the latest amendment to the Constitution that extends the term of office of the township government from three years to five, four options for further reform are available. Except for one option, direct elections are proposed or at least possible.     

Nationalism,Ideology and China's ‘Fourth Generation’ Leadership

This paper examines the extent to which China's ‘Fourth generation’ leadership might be inclined to place a greater emphasis on nationalist rhetoric both in China's international relations and in domestic policy. It explores two different views of nationalism, namely state-centred and popular. With the decline in the public impact of official ideology, the Party–state has given tacit recognition to nationalism as one potential source of regime legitimisation. However, this article argues that by placing the Party at the centre of the official discourse the state-centred view of nationalism restricts the extent to which the Party–state can mobilise nationalist symbolism in support of its leadership and makes the Party vulnerable to criticism from more popular conceptions of nationalism. The priority given to developing the economy means China's leaders must downplay popular criticism which can focus on the negative consequences of China's growing interaction with the wider world. Under China's ‘Fourth generation’ leadership this tension may deepen. China's new leadership are unlikely to resort to ‘wrapping themselves in the flag’ as some commentators have suggested.     

The Defense Lawyer in the Scales of Chinese Criminal Justice

Western critics are keenly interested in the defense lawyer as an advocate within the human rights movement in China and fear that under the impact of state persecution the defense lawyer is becoming an ‘endangered species’. This article argues that, while there are significant problems, there has also been progress in Chinese lawyering reform that ties together greater professionalism with a new emphasis on due process. The revised Lawyers’ Law of 2007 is an important new benchmark in lawyer reform. This law has challenged the limited dimensions of earlier reform. This law, itself, has been challenged in bureaucratic resistance that is deploying outdated criminal procedural law to negate the reforms supporting the new process and protected lawyer–client relations. The National People's Congress has supported the latter, arguing that it represents the latest in reform and is, therefore, superior to the more restrictive provisions of the 1996 Criminal Procedural Law and supporting public security regulation.     

协商民主是中国特色社会主义民主的重要形式

协商民主体现在中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度之中,以政治协商、参政议政、民主监督、合作共事为基本实现途径,有利于实现最广泛的政治参与,最大限度地包容和吸纳各种利益诉求,充分体现社会主义民主的真实性,显示出巨大的优越性和强大的生命力。发展社会主义民主政治、建设社会主义政治文明,必须进一步坚持好、完善好协商民主这种民主形式。     

加强党的代表大会对党的各级领导干部权力监督的思考

党的代表大会制度在党内政治生活中的作用 ,就如同人民代表大会在国家政治生活中一样重要 ,是党的最高权力机关和最高监督机关 ,具有最高的监督权威和监督效力。实行党的代表大会常任制 ,发挥党的代表大会的作用 ,加强干部的权力监督 ,防止权力腐败 ,是保证党的干部为人民掌好权、用好权 ,防止权力腐败的有效措施。     

From Rural Revolution to Urban Revolutionization: A case study of Luzhongnan

Based on materials from local archives and the author's interviews in Shandong Province, this paper uses case studies in the Luzhongnan prefecture to trace how the rural revolutionaries rose to prominence and to discuss their cultural impact on Mao's urban revolution after 1949. The paper begins by examining the intellectual origin of the Chinese revolution in this region, and then moves to a discussion of the end of political urbanism in the anti-Japanese War and the Civil War. As a result of wartime mass mobilization, peasants became the most dynamic forces in the political arena. Peasant cadres were systematically recruited and trained to run local governments. Eventually, they surpassed the revolutionary intellectuals both in number and in importance. When the CCP came to power, the peasant cadres were assigned to take over urban China. These rural revolutionaries were committed to the mission of creating a 'new socialist man', and rural revolutionary culture became the cultural orthodoxy of the People's Republic of China. This paper explores the nature and characteristics of the political and cultural programs, referred to as 'cultural de-urbanization', launched by Mao Zedong and his rural revolutionary followers in order to remold the urban people's mentality by the rural revolutionary tradition and practice.     

人民政协协商民主制度发展的三维度视角

从人民政协协商民主的实践及其制度建构的价值诉求看,人民政协协商民主已成为中国民主政治生活的基本形态之一、政府决策过程的必经程序、加强执政党执政能力建设的重要途径。健全人民政协协商民主的制度和机制,亦应该从这三个维度上把握。如此,可使人民政协的协商民主获得程序化制度化理性化的发展。     

关于协商民主理论与实践的几个问题

当前，协商民主作为中国特色社会主义民主政治的实现形式之一，已成为深化我国政治体制改革的重要任务。十八大对健全协商民主制度进行了总体规划和部署，协商民主在中国的发展前景，值得我们寄予乐观的期待。中国在长期政治生活中形成了多级政治协商制度，探索出听证会、民主恳谈会等基层民主实践，这些为健全中国特色社会主义协商民主制度提供了具有积极意义的实践经验。同时，党中央多次强调要建立社会协商对话制度，协商民主的协商场域正在不断拓宽。工资集体协商的广泛推行就是协商场域拓宽的一种表现，在这方面，福建泉州的工资集体协商尤其具有代表性。     

努力提高党外代表人士教育培训工作的科学化水平

党外代表人士教育培训工作是党的干部教育培训工作的重要组成部分,也是党和国家干部教育培训体系的重要组成部分.新形势下提高党外代表人士教育培训工作的科学化水平,必须在党委的统一领导下建立党委统战部牵头协调、相关部门各负其责的教育培训工作体制机制;充实和完善教育培训的内容,进一步增强教育培训的针对性;树立现代教育理念,改进和完善教育培训的方式方法;深化改革,加强党外代表人士教育培训的体系建设.     

大力培养选拔优秀年轻干部的几点思考

中国共产党要有效地实现自己的领导 ,就必须高度重视培养选拔优秀年轻干部。培养选拔优秀年轻干部 ,必须从干部的实际出发 ,努力寻找、掌握和运用干部成长规律。要在马克思主义指导下 ,着眼于我们正在做的事情、着眼于党和全国人民的共同理想 ,努力实现培养选拔优秀年轻干部工作的新突破。