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印尼的伊斯兰教、民主与对外政策   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
一 导言 在开始民主化的最初几年,印度尼西亚被认为是一个混乱的国家,"一个国家太大而不能失败,但却太混乱而难以治理."  相似文献   

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《中东研究》2012,48(3):389-399
The current study aims to examine the Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) from its formation in 1924 through to the present day, and attempts to place the Diyanet appropriately in the context of the prevailing perplexity over state–religion relations in Turkey. It questions Turkish-style secularism and examines the responsibilities, power, and limits of the Diyanet. The Diyanet has undertaken responsibility for making the state's control over religion visible through sermons and publications, helping the state gain legitimacy among religious people. Meanwhile, it has been the Achilles' heel of the republican regime in the sense that religious people found employment in it and some considered this as a way to influence the laicist state from inside.  相似文献   

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《中东研究》2012,48(3):351-372
This essay examines the relationship between Indian and Australasian soldiers and colonial Egyptians from 1914–19. Drawing upon memoirs, letters, and the work of Nagib Mahfuz, I argue that the First World War reaffirmed British military rule in Egypt and also posed a danger to it in the form of disorderly soldiers. Because British officials feared the unruly conduct of their troops they promoted manly ideals of self-control to facilitate their control over Egyptian society. Uncontrolled spectacles of wartime violence were therefore critical to the ways in which the British Army deployed masculine behaviour in the service of the colonial state.  相似文献   

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This article will attempt to develop an in-depth examination of the pivotal role of Islam in the articulation of Turkish nationalism and Turkish official identity by examining the sermons authorized and imposed by the Presidency of Religious Affairs (PRA), the state agency regulating religion, and how the their cosmologies of social, moral and political order are entwined. We will further argue that this role involves a twofold process; firstly, the Muslim identity was imagined as a prerequisite for being considered as a Turk and a Turkish citizen and, secondly, the ‘cultural intimacy’ of Turkish nationalism is grounded on the ‘root paradigms’ inherited and attained from the Islamic tradition and theology. These arguments are particularly pertinent at a time when Islamist JDP (Justice and Development Party) consolidated its power and began to instrumentalize PRA for its priorities and visions of Islam. This, however, does not bring a radical reshuffling of PRA. On the contrary, the continuity from the Kemalist-monitored PRA to the JDP-monitored PRA can be attested not only in its organizational features but also in its ideological make up; especially in terms of its perceptions of society, state and social order.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Since Weber’s articulate conceptualisation of the nexus between religion and economics, these phenomena have been examined through various academic viewpoints. While some take religion as a determining factor of economic performance, others argue that it is the economy that influences religiosity. This paper focuses on the manifestation of religion and economics in the political sphere regarding the case of Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (AKP). After discussing the literature on the relations between religion and economics, it scrutinises the AKP period, considering three specific pillars: (a) the early years of the AKP in which Western economic policies were implemented as a continuation of the Kemal Dervi? period; (b) between 2008 and 2015, when the idea ‘we can do as well’ maintained the centre stage; and (c) 2015 and onwards, when the Islamist influence on economic policy became highly apparent, particularly regarding interest rates. This study argues that the AKP changed politically in terms of Islamic influence upon the economic sphere, however this remains at the discursive level for the time being.  相似文献   

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