Beyond History: non-traditional security cooperation and the construction of Northeast Asian international society

This article takes the proposition that cooperation in the area of non-traditional security (NTS) can provide the essential window of opportunity for Northeast Asians to move beyond history. To demonstrate, it explores the development of NTS cooperation in Northeast Asia, paying particular attention to Sino–Japanese cooperation in the environmental and disaster areas. It then examines the relationship between NTS cooperation and the construction of a regional international society in Northeast Asia. It argues that the importance of NTS cooperation is twofold. First, in a region where historical animosities remain high, NTS issues can avoid sensitive areas and find common ground for cooperation that traditional security approaches would be unable to envisage. Second, NTS cooperation has turned people-to-people relations in a more prominent and conciliatory direction, and enhanced human security consideration, thus taking things further than the indirect consequences of functionalism.     

ASIA'S ECONOMIC POWERHOUSES Sino-Indian top-level exchange hints at greater potential for cooperation between the world's most populous nations

<正>In their book An Uncertain Glory published in2013,India’s Nobel Prize winner in economics Amartya Sen and his compatriot scholar Jean Dreze compare the different developmental trajectories of India and its neighbor,China.They show that while India has maintained political stability across its complicated and diverse landmass and population since independence     

China and Central Asia: Bright Prospects for Economic Cooperation

正IN 138 BC,the royal court of the Western Han Dynasty sent Zhang Qian on a mission to the Western Regions,thus assigning the ancient Silk Road for trade and business exchanges between China and Central Asia,West Asia,as well as Europe and Africa.Since that time,this route saw China’s papermaking technology,compass,gunpowder,printing techniques,silk,tea and porcelain spread to the world,while spices and gems came into China.Central Asian countries,which the     

China,the United States,and Prospects for Asian Space Cooperation

With the rapid rise of competitive space activities within Asia, this study examines the prospects for increasing international cooperation. After discussing relevant conceptual issues, it surveys the space policies particularly of China, India, Japan, and South Korea and examines the skewed patterns of cooperation seen at the international, regional, and bilateral levels. It then analyzes the historical, technology, and political factors that have impeded, especially regional, space cooperation in Asia to date. The study concludes that expanded regional space cooperation is an unlikely near-term outcome, but the paper also argues that the risks entailed in the current situation are growing and that US policy initiatives could make a difference in helping to lead countries out of this dead-end.     

China's Approaches toward Regional Cooperation in East Asia: motivations and calculations

This paper explores how China's strategic motivations and calculations have both motivated and constrained its participation in East Asian regional cooperation. It argues that China's participation in regional economic and security cooperation is motivated first of all by the calculation of China's domestic interests to create a peaceful peripheral environment for its economic growth and political stability, particularly its frontier security and prosperity. The realist interests to enhance China's position in power competition with other major players in the region, particularly Japan and US, also play an important part in China's strategic calculation. These interest calculations, however, also set limits on China's participation in regional cooperation. These interest calculations have also shaped China's preference for an informal approach, emphasizing voluntarism and consensus building rather than legally binding resolutions, toward regional cooperation. This soft approach is a major barrier for many regional institutions to move beyond the stage of talking shops to effectively resolve conflicts in the region.     

China and Maritime Cooperation in East Asia: recent developments and future prospects

Future international relations in East Asia are likely to be largely shaped by the maritime strategies and policies of various actors. This paper examines China's policy and behavior in maritime cooperation in the East Asian region in recent years, a topic that has been insufficiently understood. I suggest that while it is necessary and useful to take into account China's naval power, more attention to Chinese intentions and policy on East Asian maritime issues is warranted to arrive at a more balanced, and arguably more accurate, understanding of China's role in East Asian maritime affairs. This paper takes stock of China's changing perceptions, attitudes, and behaviors in maritime cooperation in the region. I describe China's new policy moves in the South China Sea and East China Sea. I also address some of the major Chinese concerns for further maritime cooperation in East Asia. I conclude that while a grand cooperative maritime regime is still not possible from a Chinese perspective, China is likely to agree to more extensive and substantive maritime cooperation in many functional areas, most notably in the non-traditional security arena.     

Broadening the Concept of Security in East and Southeast Asia: the impact of the Asian financial crisis and the September 11 Incident

External threat plays a diminishing role in the foreign policies of China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Some version of modernization diplomacy is pursued so that economic interests are accorded priority. It is in this context that they have gradually adopted comprehensive security and similar concepts. At the individual level, aspirations and security are also realized in the context of satisfactory economic development. At the international level, regional economic co-operation associated with market liberalization is perceived as an important means to maintain a peaceful external environment and to promote economic growth. The concept of security is thus both broadened and extended to link up the international, regime and individual levels. The Asian financial crisis exposed the contradictions between the developed countries of the West and the developing economies in the Asia–Pacific region; it also challenged the dominant domestic political coalitions in Southeast Asia based on existing development strategies. New alignments therefore have to be established within the Asia–Pacific region to ensure effective interest articulation within the World Trade Organization (WTO) framework, and the shaking of the foundation of the regional regimes produced varied responses ranging from defensive adjustment to offensive adjustment and fundamental economic restructuring. Values and aspirations on the part of individuals have to be redefined too. The threat of terrorism was first highlighted by the September 11 Incident, but terrorism in the region was largely rooted in domestic ethnic and socio-economic contradictions and exacerbated by economic difficulties in the wake of the Asian financial crisis. The threat of terrorism has in turn alerted the regional governments to the issues of radical Islam, the widening gap between the rich and poor and inter-ethnic relations, as well as to a whole range of non-traditional security issues. In short, comprehensive security must include good governance.     

台湾参与东亚区域经济合作的现况及未来路径探讨

台湾作为东亚经济的重要组成部分,在＂雁行模式＂中充当＂承上启下＂的中介者角色,为东亚奇迹做出了重要贡献。但随着东亚区域经济发展和制度性合作的推进,台湾的角色和地位随之发生变化,特别是受其政治目标取向的影响,而无法参与东亚经济制度性一体化,从而日益显现边缘化危机。未来台湾参与东亚经济合作可以＂经由两岸经济整合＂和＂以地区经济体身份＂两条路径,而后者更具可行性。     

China's Rise in Southeast Asia: implications for the United States

During the past few decades, China's economic success has permitted it to pursue a greater role on the international stage. China is recognized both as a regional and aspiring global power. Nowhere is this more evident than within Southeast Asia, where China's more active diplomacy is reflected in growing trade relations, proposals for stronger security ties, and the signing of numerous cooperative agreements on issues as varied as environmental protection, drug trafficking, and public health. As a whole, the region has received China's activism with both enthusiasm and trepidation. China has expended significant effort to assuage the fears of its neighbors by adopting a foreign policy approach that is active, non-threatening, and generally aligned with the economic and security interests of the region. This positive diplomacy has clearly yielded some success, most notably in the trade realm, where China is rapidly emerging as an engine of regional economic growth and integration that may well challenge Japanese and American dominance in the next three to five years. In the security realm, China's diplomacy, while rhetorically appealing to regional actors, has yet to make significant inroads in a regional security structure dominated by the United States and its bilateral security relationships. Most significantly, however, if China is to emerge as a real leader within Southeast Asia, it will also need to assume more of the social and political burden that leadership entails. As China continues to advance itself as a regional leader, its policies on issues such as health, drugs, the environment and human rights will face additional scrutiny not only for their impact on the region but also for the more profound question they raise concerning the potential of China's moral leadership. For the United States, China's greater presence and activism suggest at the very least that it cannot remain complacent about the status quo that has governed political, economic and security relations for the past few decades. Shared leadership within Southeast Asia will likely include China in the near future, with all the potential benefits and challenges that such leadership will entail.     

Multiscale and Multimechanisms of Regional Inequality in China: Implications for regional policy

Research on regional inequality in China has generated controversial findings. This paper reveals that the trend for the last four and a half decades shows no clear divergent, convergent, or inverted-U patterns. I argue that regional inequality in China is sensitive to geographical scale and influenced by multiple mechanisms, and that the global and domestic contexts for China's regional development have changed dramatically. In particular, China's triple transitions-decentralization, marketization, and globalization-have fundamentally changed the mechanisms underlying regional development. Changes require new thinking on regional development strategies in China, which should emphasize developing non-state sectors, fully utilizing human resources, enhancing geographical targeting, and reforming urban and regional planning institutions.     

健全和完善我国多党合作的运行机制

我国多党合作的运行机制有两条基本轨道,一条是在党与党之间进行,一条是在国家政权机关中共产党的干部与民主党派成员之间进行.要适应加强党的执政能力建设、发展社会主义民主政治的需要,从专项机制、保障机制、工作机制上全面健全和完善,切实做到设置合理、程序科学,系统协调、运行顺畅,衔接紧凑、有序高效.     

新世纪新阶段发展我国多党合作事业的纲领性文件

最近中共中央颁布的<关于进一步加强中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度建设的意见>,是指导新世纪新阶段我国多党合作事业的纲领性文件.学习好、宣传好、贯彻好<意见>,是中国共产党和各民主党派、无党派人士当前的一项重要政治任务;要充分认识<意见>颁布的重大意义,不断增强贯彻落实<意见>的自觉性、坚定性;准确理解和把握<意见>提出的新的理论观点和政策措施,为贯彻落实打下坚实基础;认真学习贯彻<意见>精神,不断把多党合作事业提高到一个新的水平.     

亚洲移民的社会性别研究——以菲律宾、印度尼西亚和中国为例

研究亚洲移民社会性别时,要关注两种主要形式:合同式的劳工移民和自发式的劳工移民,同时应关注劳工移民中的社会性别问题。以菲律宾、印度尼西亚和中国的移民情况为例,一般说来,这些移民工人的生存状况都受到了很大的局限,无法拥有输入国公民和永久居民拥有的许多权利,这是需要从国际、地区和国家等不同层面给予解决的政策性问题。     

论我国多党合作和政治协商制度确立的重要基础

中国共产党关于新民主主义理论以及建立民主联合政府政治主张的提出,为中国指明了一条适合国情的政治发展道路;中国共产党所创立的多党合作理论与实践,为建立以多党合作和政治协商为特征的新中国国家政权模式,提供了重要的理论基础和实践依据;中国共产党所倡导的以政治协商解决国事的方式和民主精神,成为多党合作的重要原则并发展为社会主义民丰的重要形式.     

国家支持与对口支援合作:我国区域平衡发展模式分析

区域平衡发展既是世界性的难题,也是各国政府宏观调控的重要目标。以中央新疆工作座谈会的召开为标志,贯彻落实邓小平同志"两个大局观",实行经济、干部、人才、教育、科技全方位对口支援,已经成为西部地区实现跨越式发展和长治久安的重要区域政策。本文试图考察各国解决区域发展不平衡的主要做法及其局限性,分析我国区域平衡发展战略的基本特征及其可能走向,研究探索适应正处于国际社会大变革、大调整、大发展时期的区域平衡发展模式的可行性。     

构建和谐社会：加强公安机关执法能力的新要求

社会主义和谐社会是一个全体人民各尽其能、充满创造活力，各方面利益关系不断得到有效协调，社会管理体制和社会服务网络不断创新和健全，稳定有序、安定团结、各种矛盾得到妥善处理的社会，是一个从过分注重秩序、效率到秩序与自由、效率与公平辩证统一的社会。这一理念必然对公安工作提出新的要求，它要求公安工作必须确立“以人为本”、“依法行政”等新的价值取向，并以此为契入点不断提高自身构建和谐社会的能力。     

后工业化时期产业和人口的双重再集聚——英国区域政策变化趋势及其对广东的启示

分析20世纪20年代以来英国区域政策的变化轨迹可知，人口和产业的双重再集聚是贯穿后工业化时期英国区域政策的主线；而区域工业化进程和产业结构的演化，就是区域政策变化的基本依据。借鉴英国区域政策调整的经验，有助于我们分析广东现行区域政策失效原因，调整广东区域政策的思路。     

Constructing Peace in the Taiwan Strait: a constructivist analysis of the changing dynamics of identities and nationalisms

Economic integration in the Taiwan Strait has become increasingly stronger recently. Economic integration should have led to stronger political convergence. Why hasn't it occurred? I argue that democracy in Taiwan and the continuation of the single-party rule in China have created two very different social experiences. These different social experiences have formed two different identities. People in Taiwan are increasingly thinking of themselves as Taiwanese rather than Chinese. The growing level of popular nationalism in China has also altered the political identity of mainland Chinese. Such change could force Beijing to accommodate citizens' demand to act more toughly towards Taipei. Further political integration is still possible, but it would require another norm change, perhaps already in the making.