简析俄罗斯社会团体的发展历程及其制约因素

随着经济增长、政治和社会的转型,俄罗斯市民社会也随之得到逐步发展。作为市民社会发展核心标志的社会团体数量不断增加,活动范围日益扩大,发挥了不可忽视的作用。同时,俄罗斯传统的政治文化、现实经济社会状况、自身消极因素和民众信任度等因素对社会团体发展起到了一定的制约作用。     

新普京莳代的开启——2011年俄罗斯政治形势综述

2011年俄罗斯政治形势总体保持稳定。梅德韦杰夫和普京的政治竞争和政治妥协促成“梅普组合”走向“普梅组合”。第六届国家杜马选举的结果表明全面现代化战略对俄罗斯政治生态产生了重要影响。俄罗斯当前依然处于民主化的初期阶段,它所实行的权威主义的政治体制被大多数俄罗斯民众所认可,这表明俄罗斯政局的稳定是可以预期的。但当前政治体制缺乏现代化改革的动力,必将严重制约俄罗斯现代化的有序进行。俄罗斯发展战略不会有大的变化,但俄罗斯的内外政策将面临调整。     

新普京时代的开启——2011年俄罗斯政治形势综述

2011年俄罗斯政治形势总体保持稳定。梅德韦杰夫和普京的政治竞争和政治妥协促成"梅普组合"走向"普梅组合"。第六届国家杜马选举的结果表明全面现代化战略对俄罗斯政治生态产生了重要影响。俄罗斯当前依然处于民主化的初期阶段,它所实行的权威主义的政治体制被大多数俄罗斯民众所认可,这表明俄罗斯政局的稳定是可以预期的。但当前政治体制缺乏现代化改革的动力,必将严重制约俄罗斯现代化的有序进行。俄罗斯发展战略不会有大的变化,但俄罗斯的内外政策将面临调整。     

调整中的俄罗斯与东南亚关系及影响因素

俄罗斯曾一度推行亲西方外交 ,结果导致国际地位下降 ,国内民众强烈不满。为扭转不利局面 ,重振大国地位 ,俄罗斯很快开始对外交战略作出重大调整。作为一个欧亚大国 ,俄罗斯的国家利益形成于“特定的地缘政治、经济、社会和文化环境中 ,使得其既不能绝对地关注西方 ,也不能绝对地关注东方”①。随着冷战的结束 ,亚太地区逐渐进入世界文明的发展中心 ,东方在俄罗斯外交中必将日益具有重要的作用。一、稳步发展的俄罗斯与东南亚国家关系1 .恢复与传统盟友的合作冷战结束、苏联解体以及中苏(俄)、中越关系的改善和发展 ,使得苏联与越南关系中…     

别样的风景与别样的心态——略谈20世纪90年代的俄罗斯文学思潮

俄罗斯的社会转型和文化转型导致了人们的价值观念和思维方式的巨大变化，并极为深刻地影响了俄罗斯文学的发展进程。由于社会的急剧转型，文坛论争比较尖锐。如何评价苏联文学是引起广泛争论的话题之一，与此相关的还有对整个俄罗斯文学功能的定位和价值评判的问题。关于大众文学和文化的讨论也是文坛的热门话题。90年代俄国出现了纯文学边缘化，大众读物走红市场的局面，它反映了社会转型时期普通民众对政治的淡漠和对功利文学原则的反叛。这种以世俗性为内涵，以消遣性为指归的文化与历来以精英文化为标识的俄罗斯传统文化形成鲜明对照。90年代俄国文坛后现代主义文学的盛行、“回归文学”热的退潮、宗教热的兴起及其对文学的影响等，也是引起文坛广泛关注的文化现象。     

俄罗斯的新政治战略

金融危机促使俄罗斯社会深刻反思发展道路的选择。新政治战略,集中体现了俄罗斯政治最高领导层对发展现阶段所面临主要问题的理论思考,对俄罗斯如何从传统社会走向现代国家的战略思维。新政治战略的出现符合俄罗斯政治发展的基本逻辑。新政治战略具有鲜明的梅德韦杰夫特色。从本质上看,新政治战略是要解决两个基本问题:俄罗斯的政治体制如何变革以及俄罗斯的复兴需要什么样的发展道路。尽管新政治战略的全面执行需要更好的政治契机,但它毕竟已经呈现在了俄罗斯的政治舞台上。出现即表明需要,这说明俄罗斯的精英与民众依然在探索俄罗斯的政治体制变革与发展之道。新政治战略出台也引出了俄罗斯政治中若干需要深入思考的基本问题。俄罗斯的新政治战略任重而道远。     

俄罗斯的新政治战略

金融危机促使俄罗斯社会深刻反思发展道路的选择。新政治战略，集中体现了俄罗斯政治最高领导层对发展现阶段所面临主要问题的理论思考，对俄罗斯如何从传统社会走向现代国家的战略思维。新政治战略的出现符合俄罗斯政治发展的基本逻辑。新政治战略具有鲜明的梅德韦杰夫特色。从本质上看，新政治战略是要解决两个基本问题：俄罗斯的政治体制如何变革以及俄罗斯的复兴需要什么样的发展道路。尽管新政治战略的全面执行需要更好的政治契机，但它毕竟已经呈现在了俄罗斯的政治舞台上。出现即表明需要，这说明俄罗斯的精英与民众依然在探索俄罗斯的政治体制变革与发展之道。新政治战略出台也引出了俄罗斯政治中若干需要深入思考的基本问题。俄罗斯的新政治战略任重而道远。     

俄罗斯“东正教热”反思

苏联解体后,俄罗斯掀起了"东正教热".东正教是俄罗斯传统文化的一部分,"东正教热"的出现既是一种文化现象、一种思潮,也是一种政治现象.我们应该认真研究和特别重视俄罗斯出现的"东正教热",既要分析它的文化因素,也要分析它背后的政治因素,认真总结苏联在宗教问题上的教训,引以为鉴,以利于进一步搞好我国的宗教工作.     

从统计数据看俄罗斯社会的政治取向

上个世纪90年代初期，对于俄罗斯民众而言，每天都会出现大量新奇而陌生的词汇，如交易所、经纪人、代理人以及（资产阶级）的省长、议长、市长等西式政治术语。时隔十五年后，新词产生的规模与频率已经不像十五年前那样明显，但当前的俄罗斯民众对俄罗斯社会有重大影响意义的词汇，特别是对有关政治方面的词汇和术语的认识和态度正在改变。     

试析俄罗斯对斯大林主义的重新评价

俄罗斯社会重新评价斯大林、斯大林主义的思潮实际上是国家政治生活导向和民众意识取向的一种反映,它背后有着深刻的社会背景和原因:(一)表达了对俄罗斯民族历史和传统的尊重;(二)表达了对某种社会公正的追求;(三)表达了对民族复兴的期望。     

印度尼西亚：2007年回顾与2008年展望

2007年印尼民选总统苏西洛·班邦·尤多约诺（Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono）上台执政已有3年多。这是印尼政治、经济和社会明显好转的一年。印尼最有影响力的杂志《时代》周刊（Tempo）和发行量最大的报纸《罗盘报》（Kompas）等主流媒体在2007年年终报道中都以比较乐观的口气描述印尼政治的稳定和经济的好转，这是近年来头一次的现象。     

Ethnos,demos and democratization: A comparison of the Czech Republic,Hungary and Poland

With the collapse of European communism, Western observers and leaders fostered new expectations about the relative likelihood for post‐communist nations to ‘join the West’. The Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary were seen as least problematic candidates, sponsored especially by the German leadership. A troubling issue however is the emerging pattern of ethnos‐politics, identity politics based on blood ties, as opposed to demos‐politics, civic politics based on universal territorial citizenship. In the Czech Republic this ethnos‐politics appears most clearly as anti‐Romany racism and governmental discrimination. In Poland and Hungary, centre‐right parties have developed a politics of ethnic patriotism which labels opponents as traitors and foreign elements. In these nations, political liberalism has been too weak and often too opportunist to offer a viable demos‐politics as a counterweight. Instead, the ex‐communist successor parties in Poland and Hungary have re‐emerged as the mass base for a non‐nationalist demos‐politics. The West has yet to take seriously the new ethnos‐politics, prefering to give priority to economic and foreign‐policy compatibility. The admission of these nations into the European Union or North Atlantic Treaty Organization would give new legitimacy to ethnos within the West, and reinforce the ethnos‐politics of Austria's Haider and France's LePen.     

Revolutionary Power and Socialization: Explaining the Persistence of Revolutionary Zeal in Iran's Foreign Policy

Why do states stay revolutionary for so long? The question of why and how some political players of a country successfully pursue a revisionist strife against the status quo has neither theoretically nor empirically received systematic attention. I use a current policy issue, the crisis regarding Iran, as a single-case study to examine the issue. This article argues that answers are found in the interconnected realms of domestic politics and revolutionary ideas. In Iranian politics specifically, it is both the ideological conservative faction's occupation of key constitutional positions and pursuit of revolutionary ideas, which have caused the recurring and large degree of revolutionary zeal. In turn, this has had a significant effect on the extent of the Islamic Republic's socialization to regional and international politics.     

Green Politics,Green and Orange Diplomacy: Lyndon Johnson and Eamon de Valera's Farewell Tour of the United States

Ireland had significant pull in domestic American politics, but was a minor power in world affairs. The Irish influence was inverse to the relationship the United States had with the United Kingdom. In 1964, these political and diplomatic factors converged when Eamon de Valera, the American born President of the Republic of Ireland, made one last tour of the United States. Lyndon Johnson used the trip to his political advantage without harming the relationship the United States enjoyed with the United Kingdom. Johnson showed a skillful touch in both the diplomacy and politics that went along with this visit, challenging dominant views about his competence in this area.     

Green Politics, Green and Orange Diplomacy: Lyndon Johnson and Eamon de Valera's Farewell Tour of the United States

Ireland had significant pull in domestic American politics, but was a minor power in world affairs. The Irish influence was inverse to the relationship the United States had with the United Kingdom. In 1964, these political and diplomatic factors converged when Eamon de Valera, the American born President of the Republic of Ireland, made one last tour of the United States. Lyndon Johnson used the trip to his political advantage without harming the relationship the United States enjoyed with the United Kingdom. Johnson showed a skillful touch in both the diplomacy and politics that went along with this visit, challenging dominant views about his competence in this area.     

The legacies of transition governments: post-transition dynamics in Benin and Togo

This article analyses the transition governments of Benin and Togo and shows how they had a profound impact on post-transition governance, regardless of the success or failure of the transition. It argues that the essential elements of polyarchy – competition and inclusion – were present in the transition government in Benin, and patterns along these two dimensions have been mirrored in post-transition events. In Togo, by contrast, only the principle of competition, not inclusion, was established in the transition period and present-day Togolese politics continues this pattern. This analysis sheds new light on politics in both countries and offers greater scope for understanding post-transition politics by viewing transition outcomes in terms of political development.     

封建时期的西伯利亚城市

政治和军事的需要是封建农奴制时期,西伯利亚城市设立的基本原因.17世纪初,西伯利亚城市工商民的出现表明了城市经济的产生.随着经济的发展,城市逐渐演变为社会-经济中心.     

The political consequences of reintegration programmes in current peace-building: a framework for analysis

This article demonstrates how democracy and peace-building can interlink at the micro-level, as demobilisation, disarmament and reintegration (DDR) programmes feed into democratisation via their rarely studied political impact among individual ex-combatants. Using the reintegration experiences of ex-combatants in Liberia and the literature on policy feedback, this article demonstrates the varying impacts of current peace-building on the politics of ex-combatants, and develops a framework to analyse this relationship further in other cases. This theoretical framework offers a tool to grapple with and make sense of the political consequences of DDR, thereby clarifying how reintegration programmes structure and condition the ex-combatants' continued political voice. In particular, it is suggested that reintegration programmes influence the politics of ex-combatants either through resources obtained in the programmes, enabling access to politics in a different way, or through their institutional design and procedural traits, offering cognitive cues that either emphasise democratic norms or promote conflict in politics at large.     

略论佛教对老挝社会的影响

14世纪中,老挝把佛教尊崇为国教。经过几个世纪的发展佛教已经渗透到老挝社会的各个方面,对老挝的政治、经济、文化和社会生活都产生了深远影响。     

Post-conflict elections and the process of demilitarizing politics: the role of electoral administration

Post-conflict elections are called upon to advance the distinct processes of both war termination and democratization. This article examines the patterns in seven cases where elections served as the final step to implement a peace agreement following a period of civil war. Such elections are shaped in part by the legacy of fear and insecurity that persists in the immediate aftermath of a protracted internal conflict. Comparative analysis suggests that interim regimes in general, and electoral administration in particular, based on joint problem solving and consultation may ‘demilitarize politics’ and help transform the institutions of war into institutions capable of sustaining peace and democratization. In Mozambique, El Salvador and, to an extent, Cambodia, processes to demilitarize politics prior to elections created a context that allowed the elections to advance both peace and democratization. In the other cases, politics remained highly militarized at the time of the vote, leading either to renewed conflict (Angola) or the electoral ratification of the militarized institutions of the civil war (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Liberia, Tajikistan). Interim electoral commissions provide an important opportunity to demilitarize politics by building consultative mechanisms and norms that increase confidence in the peace process and the legitimacy of the post-conflict elections.