CHANGE IN THE CIVIL SERVICE: RETROSPECT AND PROSPECTS

The type of civil service modelled on the principles of the Victorian reformers survived virtually unscathed into the post-1945 era of the welfare state and managed economy. Criticism of its qualities and performance resulted in a programme of changes associated principally with the Fulton Report (1968). This initial reform phase identified a shift to more active management of personnel, resources and policies as the primary need, but its practical effects were muted by optimistic assumptions relating to the rate of economic growth and the benefits to be derived from continued extension of governmental responsibilities. Since 1979 the context of civil service reform has changed, imposing much stronger pressure in favour of a managerialist view of civil service functions, of a career in the civil service, and of the ethos of the profession. Despite ambiguities of purpose and constraints within the political system the course of change is likely to continue in the direction, pointing towards a civil service substantially different at the end of the century from that which has been familiar in British thinking about the character and status of officials.     

THE SCOTT REPORT

The Scott report shows that the two most serious allegations made against ministers - that they conspired to sell lethal arms to Iraq in violation of government guidelines, and that they conspired to send innocent men to prison - are unfounded.
The inquiry violated the Salmon guidelines for the conduct of tribunals and is further evidence that an informal tribunal of this type is less well-equipped to examine a matter causing nation-wide public concern and to secure justice to individuals, than a statutory tribunal appointed under the Act of 1921.
Nevertheless, the Scott report raises three issues of fundamental constitutional importance - ministerial accountability to which the final section of the report is devoted, freedom of information which Sir Richard regards as a corollary of ministerial accountability, and the proper relationships between ministers and civil servants.
Sir Richard believes that constitutionally improper things occurred during the period which his inquiry covers. The fact that no minister or civil servant paid any penalty casts doubt as to whether ministerial accountability is a genuine convention of the constitution or a convenient fiction enabling both ministers and officials to evade responsibility.     

REFLECTIONS ON THE TRUE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SCOTT REPORT FOR GOVERNMENT ACCOUNTABILITY

The immediate impact of the Scott report was slight because it had no conclusion and led to no ministerial or other resignations. Reasons for this inconclusiveness were examined, including conventions of the judicial process, the difficulty Scott had in defining the offences he was examining, the slipperiness of those offences as constitutional conventions and Scott's lack of grasp of administrative processes.
Yet his report is a mine of information on problems of accountability in the area of government defence sales. It was atypical in that three departments pursuing four policies between them and with another department as policeman had a locus in the process. Given the nearly 100,000 licences being processed at one time, it was a large, complex and fragmented administrative activity which might easily have resulted in more mishaps than it did.
Despite its special features the author argues that it does provide evidence of six areas of difficulty in government accountability which are also of (growing) relevance outside the area Scott surveyed: how one finds who is responsible for policy and policy change; how accountability is secured where confidentiality is justified for national security or other reasons; how one gets operational accountability for executive operations within departments; the accountability of junior to departmental ministers; of junior to more senior civil servants; and of civil servants to ministers.     

ENGINEERING A CONSENSUS: FROM THE FINNISTON REPORT TO THE ENGINEERING COUNCIL

It is now widely accepted that British governments find radical policy change difficult to Secure – especially where such change threatens to disturb a well-developed interest group network. The Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Engineering Profession (19801, chaired by Sir Monty Finniston, Engineering Our Future, was interesting because it proposed a very radical change in the way in which the engineering profession was organized and regulated. In essence, Sir Monty wished to displace the established engineering institutions. A study of the long and complex saga following the publication of the Finniston report is a good test of the system's capacity for policy innovation as well as an illustration of the common conflict between state intervention and professional self-regulation. What finally emerged, The Engineering Council, can be seen as the outcome of a process of bargaining, which preserved the power of the professional institutions.     

REFORMING PUBLIC SERVICES IN THE UK: BRINGING IN THE THIRD SECTOR

In the UK, the government continues its project to reform public services. Earlier projects have focused on the modernization of public sector organizations; in the latest round of reform, New Labour has focused on widening choice and the personalization of services. To this end, the government has been working with Third Sector (TS) organizations to expand their role in shaping, commissioning and delivering public services. The government’s vision is predicated on a normative assertion, that, unlike traditional public sector organizations, TS bodies create public value by being more innovative, are inspired by altruistic aims and values, and have greater commitment to their clients. This paper reviews recent policy and questions whether the government’s policy is flawed, contradictory and risks damaging the attributes of the TS admired by New Labour.     

THE FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT INITIATIVE IN THE FCO

This article focuses on the Diplomatic Wing of the Foreign and Commonwealth office (FCO) in this country and diplomatic missions overseas. The Overseas Development Administration, though brigaded with the Diplomatic Wing under the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, is substantially a separate organization staffed by Home Civil Servants and with its own Accounting Officer. Though we work closely together, the organizations are distinct.     

DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE AND POLITICAL RATIONALITIES IN THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE WATER FRAMEWORK DIRECTIVE IN THE NETHERLANDS

Multi‐level governance, network governance, and, more recently, experimentalist governance are important analytical frameworks through which to understand democratic governance in the EU. However, these analytical frameworks carry normative assumptions that build on functionalist roots and undervalue political dynamics. This can result in a lack of understanding of the challenges that democratic governance faces in practice. This article proposes the analysis of democratic governance from the perspective of multiple political rationalities to correct such assumptions. It analyses the implementation of the Water Framework Directive in the Netherlands as a paradigmatic case study by showing how governmental, instrumental, and deliberative rationalities are at work in each of the governance elements that it introduces. The article concludes by discussing the implications of a perspective of multiple political rationalities for the understanding and promotion of democratic governance in practice.     

DIVERSITY AND DOMINANCE IN THE ARCTIC. ETHNIC RELATIONS IN THE GREENLANDIC BUREAUCRACY

Public bureaucracies are increasingly characterized by employee diversity in terms of ethnicity. Investigating relations between ethnic groups in bureaucracies is therefore important. This article focuses on the particularly interesting case of the Greenlandic administration. Being a former Danish colony, Greenland still recruits bureaucrats from mainland Denmark. These work alongside locally hired employees resulting in an administration with different ethnicities, cultures and languages. The analysis of ethnic relations is based on 28 interviews with bureaucrats of Danish and Greenlandic origin. Even though overall relations are found to be largely harmonious, ethnicity makes a difference. Interviewees describe differences in ethnic traits and behaviour and processes of social categorization. Particularly among Greenlanders, Danes are described as dominant and this dominance is reinforced by co‐variation between ethnicity, language skills and education. Finally, inter‐group relations are found to vary with the numerical balance of ethnic groups in different parts of the bureaucracy.