欧盟东扩与俄罗斯的对外经济贸易取向

在 90年代 ,通过东西欧经济一体化和对俄共同战略 ,欧盟已成功地把中东欧候选国和俄罗斯纳入欧盟的国际分工体系 ,并将最终把它们融入欧洲的政治和法律体系。欧盟东扩不仅使俄罗斯的对外贸易地理方向明显偏向西欧 ,而且使俄罗斯成为欧盟原材料和燃料的主要提供者。东扩后的欧盟将与俄罗斯拥有漫长的共同边界 ,从而使双方经贸关系更加密切 ,这无疑会成为 2 1世纪制约中俄贸易发展的一个重要因素。只有早日形成以产业内贸易为主体的贸易格局 ,中俄贸易才有可能取得较快的发展。     

欧盟东扩战略与俄罗斯

欧盟东扩战略有着复杂的安全动机与目标,也直接影响到俄罗斯的安全利益.但是,俄罗斯的国家整体利益要求它必须和欧盟保持稳定的合作关系.因此,俄罗斯从战略高度冷静慎重地对待欧盟东扩,对之采取了不同于对待北约东扩的支持立场.在可预见的将来,欧盟出于多方面原因,不可能接纳俄罗斯为其正式成员.欧盟东扩战略的势必成功,对欧俄安全关系将进一步产生微妙的影响.     

北约东扩背景下的俄罗斯与波罗的海三国

本文首先分析了北约东扩因素对俄罗斯与波罗的海三国关系的影响;立陶宛、拉脱维亚和爱沙尼亚积极准备加入北约,俄则强烈反对.在对三国、俄罗斯和西方的政策、立场进行对比分析的基础上,本文认为三国在2002年被北约接纳的可能性有两种,一种可能是立陶宛率先加入北约,拉脱维亚和爱沙尼亚稍晚加入,第二种可能是三国都不会接到北约的邀请,但它们终究会加入北约.其次,本文分析了俄罗斯与波罗的海三国关系中的其他主要问题,即讲俄语居民的地位问题、边界问题和经济合作问题等.再次,本文归纳出俄罗斯对波罗的海三国的战略目标,即在鼓励地区经济一体化和双边经济合作、安全不可分、尊重少数民族权利的基础上,同三国实现睦邻友好,建立起建设性的国家关系模式.最后,本文勾勒了俄与三国关系的未来发展方向:俄罗斯与波罗的海三国的关系将长期处于相互磨合碰撞之中,实现与三国,尤其是与拉脱维亚和爱沙尼亚睦邻友好、相互合作的道路仍然艰难而漫长.     

‘Bringing Geopolitics Back In’: Exploring the Security Dimension of the 2004 Eastern Enlargement of the European Union

Notwithstanding the functional and technocratic basis of the European integration process, and the fact that the accession criteria hardly mentions security issues, the 2004 eastern enlargement brought to the forefront of EU politics important geopolitical and security issues. Eastern enlargement came on to the agenda of the EU in the wake of 1989's peaceful revolutions in Central and Eastern Europe. Security and geopolitics mattered to the decision taken by the EU to embark on expansion in the early 1990s, and thereafter security issues remained prominent in enlargement debates. This article seeks to analyse the most important geopolitical issues that eastern enlargement has brought to the fore. In exploring the geopolitical dimension of the eastern enlargement process, the article foregrounds some key issues including: the potential power realignments in Europe triggered by enlargement, the EU's relationship with Russia and its importance to the unfolding of the enlargement process, and how eastern enlargement was conceived as a mechanism for stabilising the EU's external environment. The article contrasts realist and constructivist images of post-1989 Europe and the eastern enlargement process and assesses their contribution to enlargement scholarship. It argues that constructivist imagery best explains the way in which EU actors interpreted key geopolitical issues within the enlargement framework. In particular, it presents enlargement as the expansion of the existing European security community, wherein geopolitical issues were subject to a process of securitisation and desecuritisation.     

北约东扩的发展趋势及其影响

北约布拉格峰会表明 ,北约继续东扩已不可阻挡。而北约要从一个具有区域性职能的军事联盟 ,逐渐转变为一个可发挥全球性作用的军事联盟 ,也是一个无法逆转的事实。     

俄罗斯加入经合组织的战略意图与前景

俄罗斯自1996年申请加入经合组织以来,不断深化与该组织的合作关系并取得了一定成效.2008年2月俄与经合组织正式启动了"入经"谈判.鉴于俄加入经合组织对双方是互利双赢的,并且俄已基本符合"入经"的主要条件,俄与该组织谈判的各项程序也正按部就班地顺利进行,俄有望在2010-2013年间成为该组织的正式成员国.     

Nato Enlargement and the Spread of Democracy: Evidence and Expectations

The second enlargement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) since the end of the cold war fueled an ongoing debate over whether the alliance contributes to democratization in Europe. In the 1990s, critics warned that the 1999 NATO enlargement would cultivate a new cold war and prove irrelevant to democratic consolidation in central Europe. Events have not borne out these forecasts, however. In Poland, not only did NATO build a civilian consensus in favor of democratic control over the armed forces corresponding to NATO norms, but it also delegitimized Polish arguments for defense self-sufficiency that had derived their credibility from Poland's experience of military vulnerability and foreign domination. Such democratizing and denationalizing trends have contributed to stability in postcommunist Europe. An assessment of the seven states that joined in 2004 similarly reveals some scope for NATO's influence in all cases. The alliance's access to domestic reform processes, however, will be uneven across cases in ways largely consistent with the predictions of the theoretical framework in this article.

     

欧盟东扩的政治含义

今年 5月 ,欧盟将迎来其历史上最大规模的一次扩大。欧洲一体化进程中的这个划时代事件 ,将在欧盟、欧洲与世界三个层面上产生极其深远的政治影响 :对于欧盟 ,它将欧洲一体化进程推到了量变到质变的临界点 ;对于欧洲 ,它将使后冷战时期的欧洲格局稳定下来 ;对于世界 ,欧盟作为政治实体的作用将大大增强。     

The Dynamics of Enlargement in International Organizations

Most international organizations (IOs) expand their membership over the course of their lifespan. Although these enlargements tend to be heralded as normatively positive — for the IOs themselves, for the new members, and for cooperative outcomes more generally — expansions can also lead to conflicts in the organization. What conditions lead to enlargement rounds that reshape an organization in unexpected ways? We argue that, depending upon the diversity of the initial group of countries, members may vote to admit new entrants that can tilt organizational decision-making in unexpected directions. We anticipate fewer enlargements with lesser impact on the character of the organization among organizations that have either a smaller range of founding members or a relatively even initial dispersion. We develop an agent-based model that accounts for the complex decision-making environment and social dynamics that typify IO accession processes. The model helps us explain how the nature of decision-making in organizations can shift following enlargement, likely changing the organization’s output and goals.     

东盟自由贸易区的合理扩展和延伸--对"中国-东盟自由贸易区"的建构分析

"中国-东盟自由贸易区"的形成,具有鲜明的历史特点和深刻的历史原因,其建构具有鲜明的区域性合作特征.本文试图以东盟自由贸易区的合理扩展和延伸这一视角来对"中国-东盟自由贸易区"的建构作出分析.     

The EU in the Western Balkans: Enlargement as Empire? A Response to David Chandler

This article constitutes a response to David Chandler and his conception of the European Union's role in the western Balkans as a contemporary form of empire-building which he argues has deeply compromised the process of democratic institution-building in a still fragile region. It analyses his view that the EU enlargement process is entirely asymmetric in design and process and contends that there is ample room for candidate states both to contest EU demands and shape their own paths toward membership. This is entirely consistent with the evidence from the EU's previous enlargement, its most ambitious to date, which saw ten states from Central and Eastern Europe become members in 2004 and 2007. The EU enlargement regime is thus a tried and tested one and constitutes the most successful instrument in the EU's external relations toolkit. But it is now facing a challenge in the western Balkans that is manifestly more difficult than anything encountered in previous accession contexts. In particular, the problem of first order democratisation, extending to the practice of state-building, remains cogent and, in the fallout from the Kosovan declaration of independence all the more important in regional terms.     

疫情经济:俄罗斯远东

新冠肺炎疫情大流行对俄罗斯经济造成严重冲击。通过分析2020年前11个月俄罗斯特别是远东联邦区的经济形势,比较全俄和远东疫情发展的差异,可以发现,远东联邦区医疗服务和社会保障系统的负担和物资储备平衡状况低于俄整体水平。受疫情影响,远东工业、预算、对外贸易、劳动力市场、建筑业等遭受到不同损失,偏离纲要指标规定值。由于疫情冲击,远东联邦区经济损失巨大:因停止经营甚至彻底退出市场,企业产值和收入减少;因需求萎缩,生产规模下降;因关闭边境、国外市场需求下降和资源开采量减少,出口额走低;因进口量减少,物价上涨;因关闭边境,劳动力短缺加剧;地区财政支出增加,税收减少。根据疫情造成的损失程度,远东联邦区经济行业可分成三大类:因需求减少,至今仍继续失去收入的行业数量最多(约占全部行业的2/3);因春季实施的严格隔离政策和限制性举措遭受损失的行业占13%;盈利或收支平衡的行业(部分医疗行业、部分教育行业、制药业、电力行业、石油加工业、电信业)约占20%。原文发表于俄罗斯《空间经济》杂志2020年第4期(1),经作者同意在《西伯利亚研究》以中文刊发。     

Why They Join: Pathways into Indonesian Jihadist Organizations

ABSTRACT

Why do Indonesian Muslims join Islamist extremist groups? This article explores four pathways to entry into Indonesian militant groups: study sessions, local conflict, kinship, and schools. It argues that within all four of these pathways, social bonds and relationships are the common thread in encouraging entry as well as in fostering commitment. Specifically, these relationships contribute to the formation and eventual consolidation of one’s identity as a member of the jihadi group through regular participation in activities, attending meetings, narrowing the circle of friends to those within the group, and participating in increasingly risky and possibly violent activities together. Drawing on original fieldwork including 49 interviews with current and former members of Jemaah Islamiyah, Mujahidin KOMPAK, Darul Islam, Mujahidin Tanah Runtuh, Indonesia’s pro-ISIS network, and other jihadist groups as well as 57 depositions and court documents, this article explores the development and evolution of these pathways and how relational ties play a role in each.     

EU and NATO Enlargement: Russia's Expectations,Responses and Options for the Future1

Abstract

For Russian policymakers no events in the post-Cold War period have had more momentous consequences or received greater public commentary, both before and after they occurred, than the almost simultaneous enlargement of NATO and the EU that took place in 2004. The most sensitive aspect of this ‘dual enlargement’ for the Russian Federation was the extension of these two organisations into the Baltic States, which had been part of the Soviet Union itself. Despite some uneasiness, Moscow anticipated that the extension of the EU into the former Soviet sphere, even into the former Soviet Union itself, would constitute a generally positive development, while NATO penetration of that sphere would be extremely harmful. Accordingly, Russia voiced little opposition to the EU's plans and made only limited efforts to insure that its major interests would be protected, while it actively sought to forestall the NATO project, especially with regard to the Baltics. As it turned out, however, most of Russia's expectations regarding the impact of these processes were mistaken, and Russia's interests were poorly served by its prior and subsequent responses.     

北约续扩对俄罗斯的内外影响

北约首轮东扩后,大大缩小了俄罗斯的战略空间,北约不顾俄罗斯的一再反对,继续按照既定的方针和时间表加紧续扩的准备.俄罗斯一面仍坚持反对,一面开始采取务实策略,在妥协中不断调整应对措施."9.11"事件后,俄美关系虽得到改善,但美国并没有因此而放弃对俄罗斯的北约续扩方针.     

Lost in Transition: The Liberal International Order in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus

Abstract

While espoused by the newly independent states after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the liberal order has not taken root in interstate relations and is now openly contested in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus. However, the challenges presented (primarily by Russia) to the international order also trigger growing contestation, in several Eastern European and South Caucasus countries, of an existing regional order premised on Russian hegemony. Therefore, the picture that emerges from these multiple contestations is not an alternative regional order, but rather overlapping orders in a fragmented region.