Do All Roads Lead to Brussels? Analysis of the Different Trajectories of Croatia,Serbia-Montenegro and Bosnia-Herzegovina

The article examines the main factors that have affected the prospects of Euro-Atlantic integration for Croatia, Serbia-Montenegro, and Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH). For each of the three countries, the internal and external factors affecting progress are examined separately in both the domestic and international spheres, allowing for a comparative assessment of the role of the international community and for analysis of different ways of addressing key regional issues in the individual states. The central argument is that the difference in the pace of Euro-Atlantic integration among these three states has been a result of both EU policies and specific internal political issues within each of those countries. The article concludes with two possible scenarios for the region—one of rapid integration, the other of delayed progress resulting in a dangerous ‘ghettoisation’ of the Western Balkans—and emphasises the role of the international community's policies as a strong determinant of the outcome.     

Defense sector reform in the Western Balkans – different approaches and different tools

This article analyses two different approaches to defense sector reform (DSR) in the Western Balkans. It explores the role of NATO in the reform process in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), as well as Norway's involvement in Montenegro. Based on this, the article then compares and contrasts the two processes, and looks at the factors that have influenced their success or failure. The analysis show that both BiH and Montenegro have taken significant steps towards Euro-Atlantic integration, and that NATO and Norway have succeeded in part of their work to assist this effort. However, it also suggests that certain key factors for success in SSR have been less than optimal, such as donor coordination and the principle of local ownership. Both actors are also limited by the lack of a conceptual framework or guidelines for their work on DSR.     

The international dimension of democratization: testing the parsimonious approach

This article examines the importance of the international context on regime change. It provides evidence that geographic proximity to the European Union (EU) does not result in the spread of democracy. In contrast, communication and cooperation between EU actors and sub-national regions contributes significantly to the development of democracy in these regions. Considering the role of EU projects, investments and trade in regime transition—measured through indicators of civil society, political openness, freedom of speech and economic liberalization—this article demonstrates that international context may have a positive influence on the diffusion of democracy at a regional, sub-national level. This finding has substantial implications for the literature on international relations and globalization studies. It suggests that the emergence of ‘new’ regions through communication and cooperation takes place through two seemingly contradictory but mutually reinforcing processes: regionalization (territorial disintegration/federalization) and integration (through communication and cooperation).     

Early birds: Special interests and the strategic logic of international cooperation

I propose that special interests are particularly influential in international cooperation because they are able to enact pressure on the government already during the negotiations while the issue is not yet salient for the general public. In my formal model, special interests can offer political support to the government in exchange for a discriminatory implementation commitment that benefits them. The government colludes with the special interests if the value of political support exceeds the cost. However, if the government colludes with special interests in country A, the payoff to the government and special interests in country B also decreases because the probability of successful international cooperation decreases. In equilibrium, special interests create a collective-action problem that complicates international cooperation. In addition to providing a new explanation for the power of special interests in international cooperation, the article illuminates how international negotiations and domestic treaty implementation interact. The analysis also reveals a new dimension of flexibility in international cooperation.     

Regional security cooperation reinvented: Western Balkans counterterrorism initiative

ABSTRACT

This article argues that the Western Balkans Counterterrorism Initiative (WBCTi), originally a Slovenian proposal of late 2014, represents an efficient form of regional security cooperation, particularly when regional EU integration is considered. The Initiative that was accepted by the Justice and Home Affairs Council of the EU in late 2015 is the first of its kind. It is aimed at both incorporating and integrating all forms of international assistance that concern increasing the capacity to prevent and combat terrorism, violent extremism, and radicalisation leading to terrorism. Additionally, it is directed at decreasing duplication of actions by international actors and raising levels of efficiency of security cooperation and reform. This article analyses the Initiative by focusing on its structure and claiming that its specific framework represents an innovative approach establishing a fully functional regional structure outlining EU-Western Balkans security cooperation.     

European and Asian responses to the US-led ‘war on terror’

This article seeks to establish a context for the other contributions to this special issue. Using the lens of strategic culture, the article tries to explore how states from Europe and Asia have responded to the US-led ‘war on terror’. It argues that the nature of the threat from international terrorism requires states in Europe and Asia to develop a range of external and internal policy responses. Europe has been able to react to this changing strategic environment more successfully because of the pre-existing pattern of interstate cooperation as well as the organizational framework of the European Union. The United States has been more successful in imposing its counterterrorism priorities upon particular Asian states due to the absence of mature frameworks for international cooperation within the region.     

Understanding the workings of interstate cooperation in defence: an exploration into Franco-British cooperation after the signing of the Lancaster House Treaty

Cooperation occurs more often than conflict in the international system. However, its practicalities have been little conceptualised in International Relations. Through an empirical study of the workings of contemporary Franco-British cooperation in defence, this article offers a multidimensional analysis of interstate cooperation taking into account organisational, political, material and cognitive factors. By studying their centripetal and centrifugal effects, this article shows why each factor is relevant for understanding what favours and impedes the emergence and continuation of intergovernmental cooperation. It notably demonstrates how domestic interorganisational dynamics have an impact on relations with foreign partners. This article also shows how bridging the traditional divide between approaches based on interests and approaches based on beliefs allows us to identify the evolutionary dynamic of cooperation.     

Gender in development: a long haul -- but we're getting there!

While women's movements in Latin America and elsewhere have succeeded in putting many issues that are relevant to women and to gender relations onto the political agenda, and although most international aid agencies have made efforts to incorporate gender analysis into their work, this progress has been neither comprehensive nor unproblematic. This article focuses on ways in which the development cooperation agenda, and the priorities and working methods of development agencies and nongovernmental organizations, have served to distort the vision and practice of the women's organizations whose work they seek to support.     

金砖四国金融服务贸易国际竞争力研究

近年来,国际服务贸易发展迅猛,日益成为衡量一个国家竞争力的重要指标。随着金融市场的逐步开放,中国、印度、俄罗斯和巴西被称为金砖四国的金融服务贸易得到快速发展。但在对金砖四国金融服务贸易指标的比较中我们发现,中国的金融服务贸易不仅远远落后于世界平均水平,在金砖四国内部比较中也处于劣势地位。针对我国金融服务贸易现阶段的情况,我们要加快实施"走出去"战略,提升营销能力,加强金砖四国在金融领域的合作,完善金融体制,改变增长方式,学习香港经验,增强资源整合优势,进一步拓展金融服务外包市场,加强对金融服务贸易人才的培养和引进等措施来提高中国金融服务贸易的国际竞争力。     

Masculinity and male survivors of wartime sexual violence: a Bosnian case study

While conflict-related sexual violence affects men and women, male survivors are often overlooked or marginalised. The case of Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) is a poignant example. Twenty-two years after the Bosnian war ended, little attention has been given to the men who suffered diverse forms of sexual violence during the conflict. The present article contributes to addressing this gap. Based on semi-structured interviews with 10 men who endured the horrors of the ?elopek camp in north-east BiH, it focuses on the lives of these men today. Exploring the men’s silences and the intersection of their trauma with ongoing everyday problems, it goes beyond the commonly made argument that sexual violence against men constitutes an attack on masculinity. Fundamentally, it examines how masculinity norms and expectations have shaped the men’s stories, coping strategies, and current needs. This use of a masculinity lens highlights important gaps within transitional justice, which to date has narrowly focused on violent and militarised forms of masculinity. The article thus calls for transitional justice processes to give more attention to masculinities affected by violence.     

哈尔滨市与俄罗斯经贸合作的现状分析

哈尔滨市与俄罗斯在贸易和经济合作方面处于逐年下降趋势。只是在科技合作方面取得了一些进步。形成这种状况的原因有很多．主要是中俄贸易不规范、没有向国际化靠近；俄罗斯国内投资环境不佳。社会混乱，投资风险过高。哈尔滨与俄罗斯在科技合作方面虽然取得一些成果，但存在的问题也相当多。这都制约了哈尔滨与俄罗斯在经贸科技领域的合作。     

亚丁湾海上非传统安全合作与机制建设

海盗活动的日益猖獗使海上航行安全问题再次成为世界各国关注的焦点.在20国海军40余艘军舰的巡航下,亚丁湾暂时风平浪静,索马里海盗活动大为收敛,但远未就此罢手,劫船事件仍时有发生.     

东北亚地区国际劳务合作对东北振兴的影响

通过国际劳务合作促进劳动力的国际流动 ,是实现劳动力资源有效配置的一个重要途径。加强东北地区的国际劳务合作 ,对于缓解东北地区的就业压力、提高劳动力素质具有重要的意义。目前 ,东北地区参与东北亚国际劳务合作的规模基本上处于稳定发展的态势 ,具有波动性较大、合作的领域比较集中、收益不高的特点 ,这与东北地区的社会经济环境以及劳务接收国的政策密切相关。但东北地区参与东北亚国际劳务合作的潜力还是非常巨大的 ,为此 ,国家应给予东北地区必要的政策支持 ,积极推动东北亚地区建立合理的国际劳务合作机制 ,加强劳动力培训方面的合作 ,引进专业技术及管理人才 ,促进东北振兴的实现。     

Going global? Micro-philanthrocapitalism and Danish private foundations in international development cooperation

During the past decade, academic attention to the role of private foundations in international development cooperation has greatly intensified. The largest foundations have increased their global giving and moved towards strategic social impact, but we do not know if such processes have also occurred at a more micro level. This article explores this issue by studying the international activities of Danish foundations. It finds that grant-making on global issues is increasing, and that several foundations have undergone transformations in their approach to grant-making, making them surprisingly similar to established development organisations.     

Can Unilateral Leadership Promote International Environmental Cooperation?

Why do governments sometimes exercise unilateral leadership in international environmental cooperation, such as the mitigation of global climate change? It is usually the case that unilateral leadership cannot solve the problem at hand, so it is not clear what the benefits of unilateral leadership are. In this article, I provide a new political rationale for unilateral leadership. I show that if a green politician (worried about environmental destruction) fears that he or she will probably lose power soon, he or she may want to unilaterally implement domestic mitigation policies to reduce the domestic cost of mitigation in the future. By exercising unilateral leadership, this politician ensures that even a future brown politician (only mildly interested in environmental protection) is, due to the domestic cost reduction, willing to engage in international cooperation. The findings imply that while unilateral leadership is not a panacea, it may be a useful commitment device under empirically plausible conditions.     

中国与印度能源合作的政治经济分析

近年来，由于国内能源有限和经济的高速增长，中国与印度两国的能源供给越来越多地依靠国际市场。在国际能源领域，双方加强合作与协调攸关两国能源安全和经济发展全局。尽管存在着竞争，但双方互利合作是主要的发展趋势，中印各自的发展优势也为不断拓展两国能源合作提供了广阔的互补空间。     

软实力视角下的中国与东盟警务合作

冷战结束以来,国际性犯罪形势愈加严重,并呈现组织化、职业化和国际化的趋势,靠一国之力难以解决,加强国际警务合作,控制和预防各种犯罪就成为国际社会的共同需要。中国和东盟也面临毒品走私、非法移民、洗黑钱、恐怖主义活动等跨国犯罪的严峻挑战,中国与东盟在打击这些犯罪活动方面开展了有效的警务合作,但中国与东盟警务合作也面临主权、域外势力干涉、合作形式单一等诸多问题。本文主要以软实力为视角,就如何克服障碍,加强中国与东盟警务合作提出了相关思考。     

南宁市与越南投资合作分析及近期发展展望

作为中国-东盟合作的前沿城市,南宁市在与东盟国家合作方面具有独特的区位优势,近年来,随着中国-东盟自由贸易区建设进程的不断推进,中国-东盟博览会的连续成功举办以及<中国-东盟全面经济合作框架协议>、<中国-东盟自由贸易区货物贸易协议>、<中国-东盟自由贸易区服务贸易协议>等一系列框架协议的签署及深入实施.     

Governance through government networks: The G8 and international organizations

As an informal grouping without headquarters, permanent staff or legal powers, the world’s major industrialized countries must rely on other actors, in particular international organizations, to manage global problems. This article examines how the Group of Eight contributes to global governance by cooperating with international organizations in the cases of debt relief and the fight against terrorist finance. It shows that the G8 draws on international institutions with the aid of government networks and argues that this cooperation is stronger, the greater the Group’s concentration of relevant power and the more important it considers the institutions’ resources.     

Rivalry and Rapprochement in Early Cold War Central America

Under what conditions does a common threat cause rival states to achieve rapprochement? To inform not only contemporary policy debates about coalition-building against terrorism and insurgency, but also theoretical debates about obstacles to cooperation and conflict resolution, this article examines the pattern of rivalry and rapprochement among Central American states—non-Communist allies under the Rio Treaty—in the shadow of the Cuban Revolution of 1959. Given a common threat, why did Honduras and Nicaragua shift from rivalry to rapprochement while Costa Rica and Nicaragua, and El Salvador and Honduras, did not? Drawing on rarely explored published primary sources in English and Spanish, the article argues that the major obstacle to cooperation was the parochial interest of the armed forces in perpetuating the old mission of international rivalry despite the attractive new mission of internal security, and that presidents were able to achieve rapprochement only where state resource constraints compelled a trade-off between the old and new missions. This argument is tested against realist alternatives including balancing and bandwagoning, and liberal alternatives including democratic peace and counterrevolutionary ideology. The article demonstrates that spoilers within the state can perpetuate international conflict, but also indicates conditions under which they can be convinced to support international cooperation.