F.L. McDougall and the Origins of the FAO

This article evaluates the role of Frank Lidgett McDougall, Australian economist, businessman and public servant, in the creation of the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO). It traces McDougall's development from an advocate of preferential trade within the British Empire to his embrace of a broader, more internationalist, concept of nutrition. By the mid-1930s, McDougall's advocacy of policies to improve nutrition worldwide through "marrying health and agriculture" led to the Australian government's advocacy of such policies in the League of Nations. McDougall was successful in persuading Australian policy makers that proposals to improveworldwide nutritional levels were also in Australia's best interest, by increasing demand for Australian agricultural exports. Finally, McDougall's significant personal role in the establishment of the FAO is assessed as the culmination of his career as a major behind-the-scenes architect of public policy.     

Economic cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region and the role of the P.R.C.

His publications includeChina’s Development Experience in Comparative Perspective, and, with Allen Whiting,China’s Future. This is a revised version of a paper presented at a conference on “Problems of Peace, Security and Economic Cooperation in Asia and the Pacific” June 1987, in Beijing, P.R.C. The conference was co-sponsored by the Institute for Sino-Soviet Studies and the China Institute of Contemporary International Relations, Beijing, P.R.C.     

论1975年“马亚克斯”事件与美泰交涉

美国在越南战争的最后关头背信弃义,未出手援助它扶植的柬埔寨政权和南越政权,受到盟国质疑.刚成立的民柬政府扣留美国商船"马亚克斯"号,为美国重塑形象、重申强硬立场提供了机会,它以泰国为基地实施武力营救.不过,泰国正在调整向美国一边倒的外交政策,努力改善同亚洲尤其是印度支那邻国的关系,力图在这场美柬纠纷中保持中立.美国的营救行动造成泰国处境困难,引起强烈抗议和严正交涉.这个事件给冷战期间的美泰关系带来重要影响.     

Commonwealthmen and Republicans: Dr. H.V. Evatt, the Monarchy and India

H.V. Evatt's foreign policy has attracted considerable historical attention, but his response as Australian External Affairs Minister to Commonwealth constitutional issues remains neglected. Evatt sought to retain India in the Commonwealth in 1948–49, but he insisted that India ought to recognise the king's prerogatives in its constitutional arrangements. He had developed his defence of the monarchy and its place in the empire in his writings of the inter-war years, and sought to apply these ideas in his Commonwealth diplomacy of the late 1940s. Evatt's failure to have these ideas accepted resulted from his attempt to impose an ideal of the relationship between the monarchy and the Commonwealth, derived from his understanding of the evolution of constitutional relations between the United Kingdom and the old dominions, to the very different context of Asian postwar decolonisation.     

A real electoral duel between the P.J.D. and the P.A.M.? Analysing constituency-level competitiveness in the 2016 Moroccan elections

ABSTRACT

This article examines electoral competitiveness between the two main contenders in Morocco’s 2016 legislative elections, i.e. the Islamist Party of Justice and Development (P.J.D.) and the pro-monarchy Party of Authenticity and Modernity (P.A.M.). In contrast with electoral results at the national level, which reflect a high parliamentary competitiveness between these two parties, the analysis of competitiveness at the local constituency level (92 electoral districts) leads to quite different conclusions. The degree of local standard competitiveness between the P.J.D. and the P.A.M. was generally very low and, in most of the districts, the Islamists held a large advantage over the P.A.M. Other third parties also played a significant role and became the voters’ first or second choice in some districts, with the effect of increasing parliamentary fragmentation and decreasing competitiveness between the P.J.D. and the P.A.M. Thus, the proportional system used in a large number of districts contributed to achieving the monarchy’s aim of avoiding a predominant party. Also, the central role played by the loyalist National Rally of Independents (R.N.I.) in blocking the coalition government talks after the elections questions the idea that the Moroccan party system is becoming polarized between the P.J.D. and the P.A.M.     

U.S. Power and the Politics of Economic Governance in the Americas

This article examines the nature of the emerging regional economic regime in the Americas and argues that the dominant approach to economic governance is one defined by the assertion of U.S. power in the region and oriented toward distinctively U.S. interests and preferences. This has been clearly evident in the evolution of the Free Trade Area of the Americas but also, with the deceleration and fragmentation of that process during 2002 and 2003, in the growing prioritization of bilateralism. The leverage afforded by the bilateral negotiation of trade agreements acts to situate primary influence in shaping the rules that constitute the regional economic regime, and the primary functions associated with governing in this context, firmly within the agencies of the U.S. state. This essay therefore explores how the hegemonic power of the United States manifests itself in the substance of the hemispheric project and the shape of the economic regime associated with it.     

邓小平与1977年之后的中美关系

本文对1977年之后至90年代初,邓小平在处理中美关系问题上所采取的政策和策略进行考察和评估,认为邓小平的决断是促成中美关系正常化的重要因素之一,他从实现中国现代化的目标出发,努力促进中美经济贸易的发展,不仅为中国引进了大量的资金和技术,而且为稳定中美关系的大局构筑了一个新的战略支点.邓小平在1989年中美关系跌入低谷后所采取的一系列对策,使中国在西方的制裁面前,稳住了阵脚,并成功地把中美关系稳定在一定的战略水平之上.     

U.S. Policy in East Asia and the pacific: Building on the past and the present for the future

The author persuasively argues that U.S. policy in the Asia-Pacific region has been and must continue to be based upon four fundamental principles: 1) genuine respect for the interests and prerogatives of the peoples of the region; 2) support for the establishment of democratic institutions and processes in East Asia and the Pacific; 3) the expansion of trade and investment with basic reliance on the market forces of competition and free enterprise; and 4) recognition that peace and stability are best facilitated by addressing specific sources of regional tension.     

“单一行政官”理论与美国总统权力的扩张

"单一行政官"理论是在对美国宪法有关总统权力条款的解读过程中产生的理论,其核心含义是,任何对总统掌控行政部门进行限制的企图都被视为违宪。"单一行政官"的概念形成于200多年前的制宪会议。后来,"单一行政官"理论不断地发展演变,为美国总统不断扩展其行政权力提供了理论依据。"单一行政官"理论通过证明总统扩张权力的正当性,对美国三权分立的权力制衡机制构成了威胁。要厘清总统权力的边界,必须参照宪法的文本和结构,同时也要考虑到现代社会对行政部门提出的新要求。     

美英特殊关系与国际秩序

美英两国之间的密切联系与长期合作表明 ,美英特殊关系是一个历史和现实存在。英国的亲美政策及两国在国际秩序问题上的战略一致 ,构成了“特殊关系”得以长期存在的重要基础。作为现存国际秩序的主要受益者和维护者 ,战后以来至今 ,美英两国始终把控制世界经济乃至整个国际秩序作为外交政策的基础 ,并采取了大致相同的政策。然而 ,美英控制国际秩序的目标在冷战后面临新的挑战。除了第三世界的反对外 ,美国的一些重要盟国也拒绝接受其“单极独霸”的国际秩序构想 ,不过英国仍坚定地站在美国一边。血缘联系、共同的历史、语言和文化是美英特殊关系重要原因 ,而共同利益则是其赖以持久的关键因素     

浅析美国与东盟的反恐合作

"9·11"事件以来,美国与东盟展开了较为深入的反恐合作.美国与东盟的反恐合作基于双方联合打击恐怖主义威胁和调整彼此间关系的共同利益需求,然而,美国与东盟之间在反恐侧重点、主权权益和战略目标上的矛盾将影响双方反恐合作的深化.