欧盟经济安全战略及其影响

欧盟出于降低战略依赖、增强经济竞争力等经济关切,以及应对地缘政治格局骤变冲击、回应内部呼声凝聚共识等政治考量,于2023年发布首份经济安全战略文件《欧洲经济安全战略》,梳理欧盟经济面临的风险,提出应对路径和行动计划。《欧洲经济安全战略》具有全面性、进攻性、保守性和灵活性等特点,该战略实施以来,也面临财政资源限制、成员国分歧、企业界不满等多重障碍。该战略反映了欧盟对其所处国际格局、地区形势及所面临严峻挑战的新认知和因应,将对欧盟内部、中欧关系以及世界经济等产生深刻影响,也给世界带来更多变数。     

论亚欧会议对韩国与欧盟经济关系的影响

“投资促进方案的基本目标就是通过改善亚洲和欧洲自身及其之间的投资环境来促进资本流动。”     

“五大活动”引领职工参与经济建设

<正>今年,平谷区总工会开展五大活动引领职工投入到经济建设中去。一是培训活动,提升职工素质。开办了舞蹈、太极拳、摄影和书画培训班4个,培训职工近千人;举办劳模大讲堂5场,以劳模精神引领职工立足岗位做贡献;围绕企业生产经营需求,举办员工综合通用能力培训7场,不断提升企业综合竞争力。二是文化活动,提高职工幸福指数。开办书香工会网上阅读活动,职工在线阅读量达1万余人次;举办了中国梦·劳动美职工专场文艺晚会,弘扬劳模精神、劳动精神和工匠精神,营造了崇     

游戏机的陷阱

少年儿童天真无邪,活泼可爱,好玩爱动.过去孩子们喜欢捉迷藏,摘花草,捕飞虫,跳橡皮筋,玩刀耍枪,后来又增加了玩魔方块,看电视.正在此时,现代化的电子游戏机出世了.它的不停变幻的五颜六色,跳跃闪烁的画面使孩子欣喜若狂.有钱的家长买一台,让孩子在自家玩玩,既省心又省事,还不会外出惹祸.可是,绝大多数工薪阶层的家庭,一时还买不起,只得让孩子出几角钱去游戏机房尝尝它的“味道”.殊不知,在游戏机的软盘中,除了有“警察捉小偷””赛车”等游戏画面之外,还有“赛马”、“麻将牌”、“剑侠”等博击打斗的赌赛内容,而未解人世的孩子对之仰慕、喜爱.以至入迷,如痴如醉.加之游戏机房的营业主们为了赚钱,用各种“优惠”“奖励”来吸引孩子,使孩子在游戏机房里流连忘返……近几年来,中小学生中由于沉溺于玩游戏机而不上课逃学者有之,不做作业成流生者有之.偷盗敲诈抢劫者有之,入工读进少教所者也有之.电子游戏机本身是高科技的产物,它的功能可以训练手脑并用的协调性.开发儿童的智力、提高大脑思维的敏捷度.但是,眼下市上营业的电子游戏机却违背了它的初衷.这些电子游戏机把孩子引入到金钱的迷宫,使天真无邪的孩子在这金钱迷宫里被腐蚀,被毒害.     

浅析日本—欧盟经济伙伴关系协定及其影响

2018年7月,日本和欧盟领导人签署了日本—欧盟经济伙伴关系协定,该协定不仅涉及削减关税,消除非关税壁垒,更重在制定国际经济规则。当前,全球贸易体系仍处于重构期,包括美国、欧盟和日本在内的传统发达国家仍致力于国际经济规则的制定,贸易保护主义的出现也没有改变这一趋势。在新一轮全球贸易体系重构背景下,中国需抓住机遇,以自主开放为契机,进一步参与国际经济规则制定。     

都市陷阱

都市犹如一座蕴藏量巨大，永远也开采不完的金矿，吸引了各路淘金者，他们有的是靠已有的技能，有的则靠现学的手段，在这里大显身手，淘取巨金。     

欧盟建立“欧日经济伙伴关系”的战略机理探析

当前欧盟在持续强化针对中国的贸易保护的同时,正在加速建立欧日经济伙伴关系架构。借助复合双层博弈的视角分析欧日经济伙伴关系的利益格局,可以发现:在欧日双边层面,欧盟对日本核心利益诉求的照顾与满足,要多于日本对欧盟核心利益诉求的照顾与满足;在欧盟内部,不同的社会利益群体、工商界的不同行业、处于意识形态谱系不同位置的政党对这一架构的诉求存在对立;总体而言,欧盟推进对日经济合作的心态显得较为急切。欧盟加速建立这一架构的战略动因,是要解决在双边、地区间和全球层面的三重决策困境。欧盟对这一架构的推进程度,受到日本自身经济条件和美国主导的全球战略同盟体系的双重限制。这一架构的建立,将导致欧盟在中国与日本之间展开博弈时的决策意向与总体态度出现愈加明显的差异,从而对中欧关系产生结构性的长远影响。     

从欧日经济伙伴关系的确立 看欧盟对外战略布局

欧日经济伙伴关系是迄今世界上规模最大的双边自由贸易架构。2008年全球金融危机和2009年欧洲主权债务危机开启了国际格局转变的潘多拉之匣,使冷战结束以来全球化进程积累的矛盾趋于激化。在此形势下,欧盟确立欧日经济伙伴关系架构的战略意图是维护现有的国际多边贸易体系和全球治理架构,反制特朗普政府反全球化的强硬政策,并借以应对中国的崛起。这一架构折射出当前欧盟对外战略布局的运作特征,即在多边主义与双边主义之间、在自由贸易与公平贸易理念之间、在美欧日和中美欧两个大三角关系之间开展机会主义和两面下注的博弈。由于其内外多重危机并未得到根本解决,欧盟将持续推进这一架构,中欧关系将因受到影响而包含较大的不确定性。     

浅析日本—欧盟经济伙伴关系协定及其影响CSSCISSCI

2018年7月,日本和欧盟领导人签署了日本—欧盟经济伙伴关系协定,该协定不仅涉及削减关税,消除非关税壁垒,更重在制定国际经济规则。当前,全球贸易体系仍处于重构期,包括美国、欧盟和日本在内的传统发达国家仍致力于国际经济规则的制定,贸易保护主义的出现也没有改变这一趋势。在新一轮全球贸易体系重构背景下,中国需抓住机遇,以自主开放为契机,进一步参与国际经济规则制定。     

转基因的利益陷阱

<正>转基因话题是公共舆论中的大热点,两边吵得一塌糊涂。我们可以试着套用马克思的句式来描述这一论争的发展态势:整个社会日益分裂为两大敌对的阵营:挺转派和反转派。在既有的争论中,核心议题是转基因食品的安全性。这个议题当然重要,但将全部的注意力都投到安全性上,就导致了对另一个同等重要的议题的忽视,即与转基因相联系着的知识产权议题,以及以知识产权为工具的资本扩张和积累。     

The Political Economy of Competitiveness and Continuous Adjustment in EU Meta-Governance

This article asserts that attempts to resolve the crisis through recent changes in European meta-governance are just the latest phase in a project to secure “continual adjustment” in European societies to the systemic demands of competitiveness. The structural pressures experienced at the scale of European societies are located in the process and scale of world market integration. This New Materialist scalar-relational approach sees adjustment to the systemic demands of competitiveness as likely to continue into the future and suggests that the scope for alternative more Keynesian programs of reform through EU meta-governance is highly constrained.     

叛逆的欧洲、反思的欧洲--法、荷欧宪公投失败后欧盟建设的前景

冰冻三尺非一日之寒 今夏,欧洲一体化进程遭受一次大的冲击.法国与荷兰的公民投票相继以高比率否决了欧盟宪法.随后,在法、荷事件消极影响渐次扩展,欧宪通过前景险恶的形势下,欧盟首脑会议决定无最后限期地延长批宪程序,实际上将宪法问题暂搁一旁.欧盟宪法为近50年欧洲一体化历史之首创.     

欧盟的研究与技术发展政策

欧洲的科技合作,始于20世纪50年代的欧洲原子能联营,但是欧共体层面上研究与技术发展政策的出现则是在20世纪80年代。欧盟(欧共体)研究与技术发展政策的主要内容是研究与技术发展框架计划(以下简称框架计划),到目前为止,欧盟(欧共体)已制定实施了6个这样的计划,并正在执行欧洲信息技术研究和开发战略专项计划(ESPRIT)。     

Turkey Fit EU Entry Criteria

The future of the European Union has never been more in doubt than at the very moment it has been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for its historical accomplishments. When the heads of Europe's weakest institutions—the Commission, the Council and the Parliament—collected the prize in Oslo on December 10, 2012 they spotlighted the nub of the problem. Unless these institutions can garner the legitimacy of European citizens and transform into a real federal union with common fiscal and economic policies to complement the single currency, Europe will remain at the mercy of global financial markets and the fiscally authoritarian dictates of its strongest state, Germany. Moving beyond this state of affairs was the focus of a recent “town hall” gathering in Berlin sponsored by the Berggruen Institute on Governance. The meeting brought together current power brokers—such as the contending voices of German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble and French Finance Minister Pierre Moscovici, who rarely appear in public together—as well as Europe's top former leaders, key thinkers and young people who will govern in the future. The peace‐building project of the European Union was born out of the ashes of World War II and the anguish of the Cold War. Yet, as George Soros points out, its current inability to resolve the eurocrisis by forging greater union is dividing Europe once again, this time between creditors and debtors. Former Greek premier George Papandreou has warned that this division is fomenting a new politics of fear that is giving rise to the same kind of xenophobic movements that fueled the extreme politics of the Nazi era. To avoid a repeat of the last calamitous century, Europe first of all needs a growth strategy both to escape the “debt trap” it is in—and which austerity alone will only deepen—and to create breathing space for the tough structural reforms that can make Europe as a whole competitive again in a globalized world. To sustain reform, it needs a clear path to legitimacy for the institutions that must govern a federal Europe. The proof that Europe can escape its crisis through a combination of growth, fiscal discipline and structural reform comes from the one country so many want to keep out of the union: Turkey. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan rightfully boasts of Turkey's accomplishments that resulted from the difficult changes carried out after its crisis in 2001—ranging from quickly cleaning up the banks to liberalizing markets to trimming social benefits to make them more affordable in the long run. As a result, Turkey today is the fastest growing economy in the world alongside China with diminished deficit and debt levels that meet the eurozone criteria that many members states themselves cannot today meet. Turkey has even offered a 5 billion euro credit through the IMF for financial aid to Europe. Germany itself also provides some lessons for the rest of Europe. The obvious reason Germany rules today is because it is the most globally competitive country in the European Union. That is the result of a series of reforms that were implemented starting in 2003 under the leadership of then‐chancellor Gerhard Schröder. Aimed a bolstering Germany's industrial base and its collateral small and medium enterprises which are the foundation of its middle class society, those reforms introduced more labor flexibility and trimmed benefits to make them sustainably affordable while investing in training, maintaining skills and research and development. Even if Europe's individual nation states can shrink imbalances by following Turkey and Germany in getting their act together, the only ultimate way to save the euro, and thus Europe itself, is to build the complementary governing institutions at the European level. For those institutions to become effective, they must be empowered and legitimated by European citizens themselves. To this end, Tony Blair has suggested a bold move: the direct election of a European president. Symbolically, the Oslo ceremonies were a historical turning point for Europe. By recognizing the European Union's peace‐making past, the Nobel Prize challenged Europe to escape once and for all the destructive pull of narrow national interests and passions.     

论欧盟在联合国中的地位和作用

自20世纪50年代开始的欧洲一体化不仅仅是一个以欧洲大陆为地域范围,对内不断深化和扩展经济与社会整合的进程,也同时是欧洲面向国际社会时独立地位不断加强,影响力不断提升的过程.     

欧盟轮值主席国的地位与作用——以2005年下半年的英国为例

轮值主席在欧盟机构中扮演着重要的角色.不称职的轮值主席会对欧盟的运作产生巨大的负面影响.尽管轮值主席为期仅六个月,而且直接影响欧盟议程的正式权力十分有限,但在这一任期内,它毕竟是欧盟事务的掌管人,在推动欧盟政策议程方面具有举足轻重的影响.尽管英国在担任轮值主席国期间成功地就欧盟的未来财政问题达成了协议,但欧盟的许多成员国却认为英国担任轮值主席国期间的成就甚微.对于英国的作用,更公正的评价应该是:它是胜任的,而且取得了一定的成就,同时也缺乏创造性.