审判中菲“南海仲裁案”有违《联合国海洋法公约》缔约精神吗？

一、《公约》的缔约已排除领土争议的可诉性 制定《公约》的初衷是为了对国家在海洋领域产生的问题进行规范,而排除了就领土争议制定解决方案的可能性。《公约》的序言中有明确的表述：“本公约缔约各国,本着以互相谅解和合作的精神解决与海洋法有关的一切问题的愿望”。陆地或是说领土的问题,并不包括在《公约》规定的有关海洋法的议题之中。...     

美国与《联合国海洋法公约》争端解决机制：建构制度性特权

美国至今没有加入《联合国海洋法公约》,但是公约却是美国海洋话语体系中的重要组成部分。事实上,美国推动并在很大程度上主导了公约多部分内容的谈判和文本的起草工作。公约争端解决机制的谈判与起草充分体现了这一点。在第三次联合国海洋法会议召开前,美国对新海洋法公约的争端解决制度就有明确的政策目标,包括争端解决机制的总体设计、框架结构等完整方案。在谈判、起草新海洋法公约过程中,美国代表团以其本国利益为导向,坚持自己的主张,必要时做出适当妥协。美国利益深嵌于公约的相关条款规定之中,演化为美国在公约中的制度性特权。无论美国是否加入公约,它都可以以不同的方式享有这些制度性特权。这与当今国际格局及国际社会的发展趋势背道而驰。     

《联合国海洋法公约》“岩礁条款”的理论争议与实践歧异——兼论南海仲裁案对太平岛法律地位认定的缺陷与不足

《联合国海洋法公约》"岩礁条款"规定了岛屿与岩礁的区分标准,但所谓的"标准"过于模糊,存在较大的理论和实践争议。"南海仲裁案"仲裁庭通过"详细"解释"岩礁条款"得出"史无前例"的岛礁认定标准,使得即便是南沙群岛中面积最大并且有淡水、食物和居住设施的太平岛也被认定为岩礁。仲裁庭对"岩礁条款"的解释过于激进,明显违反《维也纳条约法公约》规定的条约解释规则。"岩礁条款"的解释应当符合通常含义、目的和宗旨、善意解释、嗣后实践的相关要求。综合条约解释规则和太平岛的自然地理情况来看,太平岛的岛屿法律地位毋庸置疑。作为推动国际法治发展的重要途径之一,条约解释应当遵循"循序渐进"原则。     

党派问题对在华韩人武装力量整合及军事活动的影响

党派纷争问题一直干扰着韩国独立运动的良性发展。朝鲜民族革命党与韩国独立党的纷争,直接导致其各自武装力量——朝鲜义勇队和韩国光复军对军事领导权的争夺。两者"合并"后,党派纷争问题继续演化并直接影响到其重要的军事征募活动,其中尤以第三战区为甚。     

Defining Folklore: Mestizo and Indigenous Identities on the Move

This article analyses how the performance of folkloric music and dance defines and redefines ethnic/racial distinctions and identities in the Andes. It focuses on the promotional activities of urban-based institutions in Cusco called instituciones culturales, particularly how these activities have shaped folkloric performance. The article calls attention to the continuing importance of race as a central category of social differentiation, showing how folkloric performances embody ethnic/racial identities.     

Activities of the Society

The tradition of men dancing in place of women (launda naach) has a chequered history in India. The dancers mostly come from poor families with a disproportionate number from West Bengal. They face significant violence, both at home and in their profession, for so much of identity in India is centred round the family and appropriate roles within the family. Launda naach offers a certain freedom as well as a measure of economic Independence. But it remains a narrow and limited space.     

菲律宾与印尼军人政治参与的比较

印度尼西亚与菲律宾是有着相似历史和相同政体的东南亚国家,军人在政治生活中起着重要作用是两国政治的共同特点.但由于国家独立过程和两国文化等的差异,两国军人政治又呈现出不同的发展态势.本文主要分三个历史阶段对两国军人政治参与进行比较分析,并对军人干政的共性进行了总结.     

The Exceptional Case of the British Military Bases on Cyprus

As is widely known, Cyprus was the place used as springboard for all the US–British air operations in the region surrounding it, in Iraq, Afghanistan and Libya and so on. However, neither the Republic of Cyprus, nor the breakaway regime in the north of the island had anything to do with that. The logistical hub for those activities were the so-called Sovereign British Military Bases conceded to Britain in the 1960 Zurich Agreement in return for the independence Cyprus gained in the same year. Cyprus is the only place on the planet where the United Kingdom maintains as a legacy of British colonial rule sovereign military bases and a military presence secured as a result of a multilateral treaty of guarantee far surpassing those rights that the United Kingdom had managed to have recognized in the installation of military bases in Burma, Malta and Ceylon. Nevertheless, two things are very remarkable: why has the United States, despite its numerous other facilities in the Near East, preferred those bases for its activities? Why have the British clung on to their bases in Cyprus – in spite of the retreat of British forces from so many bases originally built by the United Kingdom in so many places around the world since 1960, although in comparison with other overseas garrisons still left of the British Empire, the one in Cyprus is the biggest and the most expensive to maintain? The article tries to illuminate the background of this paradox. It examines, based on primary and secondary sources from several countries, the historical evolution and regime of the UK Sovereign Military Bases on Cyprus, which constitute an exceptional case in both international relations and international law. It argues that the operation of the British bases in Cyprus has been exceeding the legal framework determined by the Treaty of Establishment and hardly complies with the British obligation to decolonize the entire territory of the island of Cyprus as well as the right of the Cypriot people to self-determination.     

美韩越南军事合作析论

1964～1973年,关韩双方在越南进行了近十年的军事合作。美韩在越南军事合作的实现,是彼此国家战略利益重合的结果。两国军事合作的阶段性特征与双方战略利益重合的程度密切相关。约翰逊政府时期,在越南战争问题上,关韩双方的国家战略利益重合度较大,双方军事合作比较默契。随着尼克松政府东亚战略转变,美韩战略利益的分歧扩大,双方的军事合作便很快终结。美韩双方在越南的军事合作也对韩国自身的发展、双边的同盟关系和美国的对韩政策产生了相应的影响。