Judicial Review of Politics: The Israeli Case

In the tradition of studies questioning the impact of celebrated court rulings, this article discusses the effectiveness of the judicial review of politics conducted by the Israeli Supreme Court. The Israeli Supreme Court is generally viewed as a highly influential, almost omnipotent body. During the last two decades, the Court has intervened repeatedly in the so–called political domain, thereby progressively eroding the scope of realms considered non–justiciable. It has ventured to enter domains of 'pure' political power to review the legality of political agreements, political appointments (appointments of political allies to public positions), and political allocations (government funding to organizations affiliated with its political supporters). The prevalent perception is that these developments had a significant impact on Israeli political life. The present article challenges this view and argues that, on closer scrutiny, the influence of the Court on many of the issues reviewed here is negligible. First, many of the doctrines developed by the Court in order to review political measures proved ineffective. Usually, when the Supreme Court (acting as a High Court of Justice) engages in judicial review, it lacks the evidence needed in order to decide that administrative decisions on public appointments or public funding should be abolished because they were based on political or self–serving considerations. Second, the norms mandated by the Court hardly influence politicians' decisions in everyday life, and are applied only in contested cases. The reasons for this situation are not only legal but also socio–political. Large sections of current Israeli society support interest–group politics and do not accept the values that inspire the Court.     

转型中的司法改革与改革中的司法转型

社会的综合转型制约着司法改革的道路选择、进程和成效。我国全方位深层次的改革通过司法改革的途径推动着我国的司法在理念、功能、目标、政策等方面的转型。     

Trailblazers and Those That Followed: Personal Experiences,Gender, and Judicial Empathy

This article investigates one causal mechanism that may explain why female judges on the federal appellate courts are more likely than men to side with plaintiffs in sex discrimination cases. To test whether personal experiences with inequality are related to empathetic responses to the claims of female plaintiffs, we focus on the first wave of female judges, who attended law school during a time of severe gender inequality. We find that female judges are more likely than their male colleagues to support plaintiffs in sex discrimination cases, but that this difference is seen only in judges who graduated law school between 1954 and 1975 and disappears when more recent law school cohorts of men and women judges are compared. These results suggest that the effect of gender as a trait is tied to the role of formative experiences with discrimination.     

美国个人隐私信息免除公开的司法审查

美国《信息自由法》对个人隐私信息的免除公开作了明确具体的限制性规定。联邦法院在司法实践中形成了认定个人隐私权利益三个方面的标准:存在因果关系;是特定个人的隐私权;隐私权排除当事人本人。同时形成了权衡隐私权利益与公共利益需考量的要素:对个人隐私权威胁程度;公开获得的公共利益;获取申请信息的替代方案。     

International Arbitration and Judicial Politics in Authoritarian States

This article uses the case of Sudan to show how authoritarian regimes benefit from embracing international arbitration, allowing them to maintain domestic control and attract foreign investment. International arbitration ensures that foreign‐investment disputes are resolved outside of domestic purview, obviating the need for nondemocratic states to create independent courts. Research on judicial politics in authoritarian regimes has largely overlooked those private and extra‐judicial pathways—international arbitration tribunals—that illiberal regimes have been taking. Similarly, research in international commercial law has neglected domestic politics, overlooking arbitration's consequences for domestic stakeholders. Promoting international arbitration without paying heed to its side effects can unwittingly help illiberal regimes, particularly in weak states, to continue to repress their judiciaries and curtail the development of domestic legal institutions and the rule of law.     

Building Norms from the Grassroots Up: Divestment,Expressive Politics,and Climate Change

The fossil fuel divestment movement is at the forefront of civil society initiatives to raise public consciousness about the need for a “fossil‐free” future. Through the lens of the social movement literature, this article shows how the movement has harnessed grassroots activists, engaged in innovative and sometimes disruptive forms of protest, and used cognitive framing and symbolic politics to gain media interest and persuade the public of the importance and legitimacy of its claims as well as to promote a new social norm. The relative instrumental, structural, and discursive power of the movement and its adversaries is also examined, showing how, notwithstanding the fossil fuel industry's deeply embedded structural and instrumental power, the movement has managed to shift the contest onto a terrain where it holds a comparative advantage. Finally, the movement's role in nonstate climate governance is considered, taking account of its interactions with and impact on a range of other climate actors. This article's conclusion is that climate governance is not only an instrumental or pragmatic process of mandating changes in behavior but an expressive and symbolic one of nurturing a new norm and institutionalizing a new set of moral principles.     

著作人身权侵害赔偿的司法认定——评黄某诉城市经济导报报社等侵犯著作权案

著作权法保护作品的表达而不保护创意,依法可以确定报社摘编转载他人已经公开发表的文章属于法定许可使用。但是由于西安城市经济导报报社在转载有关文章时,不当增加指向明显的语和插图配文,虽然没有改变作品内容,但是破坏了作品的形式,从而直接影响到作品的表达,进而影响到作品的学术价值及其社会评价,侵犯了作者的保护作品完整权,依法应承担侵害赔偿责任。     

Pensions, Politics, and Judicial Tenure: An Empirical Study of Federal Judges, 1869-2002

When Article III judges conclude active service, they effectivelyabdicate their seat and enable the president and Senate to selecta successor. Some judicial scholars have concluded that politicalfactors—both within and across institutions—largelyinfluence this decision. Analyzing judicial turnover, year byyear, this article finds that judges have increasingly synchronizedtheir departure from active service with qualifying for theirjudicial pension. By comparison, political and institutionalfactors appear to have little influence on turnover rates. Thesefindings contradict much of the existing scholarship on judicialturnover and also offer more viable alternatives for judicialreform.     

The Evolving Judicial Politics of European Integration: The European Court of Justice and national courts revisited

This article analyzes how the judicial politics sparked by the European Union's (EU) legal development have evolved over time. Existing studies have traced how lower national courts began cooperating with the European Court of Justice (ECJ) to apply EU law because this empowered them to challenge government policies and the decisions of their domestic judicial superiors. We argue that the institutional dynamics identified by this ‘judicial empowerment thesis’ proved self‐eroding over time, incentivizing domestic high courts to reassert control over national judicial hierarchies and to influence the development EU law in ways that were also encouraged by the ECJ. We support our argument by combining an analysis of a dataset of cases referred to the ECJ with comparative case study and interview evidence. We conclude that while these evolving judicial politics signal the institutional maturation of the EU legal order, they also risk weakening the decentralized enforcement of European law.     

论我国司法鉴定制度改革重心的转换

现行的司法鉴定制度从整体上可以归纳为“中立性保障模式”，该模式主要特点是注重鉴定人的中立性保障，忽视鉴定结论的科学性审查。该模式对保障鉴定结论的客观性和公正性都存在不足。我国应当进行制度重点建设的转换．即从中立性保障转换为鉴定结论的科学性保障，主要应从强化当事人的鉴定启动权、强化鉴定结论质证程序、建立科学性审查标准以及建立专家辅助人等几个方面着手。同时，还要注意处理好科学性保障与鉴定人客观义务的关系、鉴定结论与其他证据的关系以及当事人权利保障与诉讼效率的关系等等。     

The Judicial Transformation of the State: The Case of U.S. Trade Policy, 1974–2004

The recent shift in state policies from Keynesianism to neoliberalism was accompanied by a transformation in state structures. The case of trade liberalization in the United States reveals that this structural transformation is of a judicial nature. In 1974, supporters of free trade successfully shifted authority over the management of protectionist claims from Congress to quasi-judicial bodies in the U.S. executive; in 1994 , they successfully strengthened the dispute settlement mechanisms of the World Trade Organization. This judicial transformation indicates a shift from sites where decisions are made by way of political negotiations to sites where judges preside over legal disputes. In the article, I identify the political origins of these judicial transformations and discuss the factors that make judicial sites more favorable to neoliberal policies than political sites.     

徘徊在限权与放权之间——社会转型时期对司法理念的探索

为应对转型时期社会对司法的需求,最高人民法院提出了"能动司法"理念,各级人民法院积极践行,取得了成效,并引发了广泛关注和讨论。能动司法实践中,司法权无序扩张影响了司法的公信力,但能动司法依然是社会转型时期中国的现实选择。我们应当客观评价能动司法理念,承认能动司法的限度,防止能动带来的负面影响。探寻新的司法理念,以继续推进司法体制改革适应社会发展。     

审限的限度：民事司法转型视域下的审判与管理

在司法转型背景下,我国民事审判领域逐渐形成审判与管理的二元运作机制。审限竞争是当下司法实践的真实写照,更是审判管理异化的典型投射,其与当事人主义诉讼模式之张力昭示着我国民事司法的效率焦虑。改革初期,审限入法塑造的朴素时间正义观标志着民事司法程序自治的初步建立。为弥补司法权威构筑的效果不彰,审限的案件管控效能日益显化,并成为替代程序正义的职责正义,与技术化监管相伴随的是规则承认前提下的隐性超审限行为。随着审限竞争的不断加剧,司法正义被庸俗化为审限内结案率指标,不仅侵蚀当事人的听审请求权,更消解着法律系统的封闭结构。混合诉讼模式下的审判管理需纳入反身法路向,以促使"悬浮"的审判管理"再嵌入"司法过程,而其关键是在多中心协同共治的前提下,通过半正式化运作机制落实服务型管理理念。     

霸权、话语建构、反极权主义:后马克思主义社会批判空间转向

处于后现代主义语境中的西方马克思主义,在20世纪60年代之后逐渐转向了一种后马克思主义的理论视域。以拉克劳和莫菲所代表的后马克思主义,运用话语、霸权等逻辑消弭马克思主义阶级主体的正当性,以此回应现实社会政治变化的趋势,从而提出了激进、多元的民主解放的蓝图。阿伦特的反极权主义理论在20世纪后期可谓独树一帜,体现出让人耳目一新的原创性和洞察力。而反对本质主义、反对极权主义也是后马克思主义的微观政治特征之一。     

Law, Finance, and Politics: The Case of India

The liberalization of India's economy since 1991 has brought with it considerable development of its financial markets and supporting legal institutions. An influential body of economic scholarship asserts that a country's "legal origin"—as a civilian or common law jurisdiction—plays an important part in determining the development of its investor protection regulations, and consequently its financial development. An alternative theory claims that the determinants of investor protection are political, rather than legal. We use the case of India to test these theories. We find little support for the idea that India's legal heritage as a common law country has been influential in speeding the path of regulatory reforms and financial development. Rather, we suggest there are complementarities between (1) India's relative success in services and software; (2) the relative strength of its financial markets for outside equity, as opposed to outside debt; and (3) the relative success of stock market regulation, as opposed to reforms of creditor rights. We conclude that political economy explanations have more traction in explaining the case of India than do theories based on "legal origins."