"议行合一"与中国政府体制改革

“议行合一”是巴黎公社在革命特殊时期所采取的非常措施 ,其有效性没有经过历史的检验。马克思恩格斯也没有将其上升为社会主义政权组织的一般指导原则。“议行合一”本身带有明显的空想和集权的色彩 ,不能成为社会主义国家权力配置和政权组织的一般原则。当代中国政府体制的重新建构 ,不仅要在理论上抛弃带有空想色彩的“议行合一”原则 ,更重要的是在政府过程中改变“议行合一”、权力高度集中的实际运作模式 ,以分权原则来指导中国政府体制改革     

以竞争力导向取代“出口导向”

由关注贸易顺差转向贸易平衡,由关注贸易额转向提高竞争力,这是贸易由“大”转“强”的必经之路。中国传统贸易战略是以出口为导向的,在这一原则指导下,中国的外贸长期维持粗放式增长,虽然贸易数额巨大,但贸易结构和创利能力不尽合理,外贸战略潜在的矛盾和问题逐渐显现出来。     

美对华"特殊保障措施"条款的国际经济学与法学分析

中国加入WTO时美对华设置的“特殊保障措施”条款,一直成为美国对我国出口产品征收高额附加关税的借口,从早期中国出口美国的钢丝衣架、纺织品、钢铁、袜子,到2009年中美之间的轮胎“特保”案,都阻碍了中美贸易的正’着发展,甚至诱发其他行业与其他国的大举仿效。运用法律与相关经济模型对美国实施特殊保障措施,征收高额关税对中美双方的生产者、消费者、政府得益产生的影响进行分析,指出美国“特殊保障措施”条款的不利影响及“负和博弈”的后果,提出我国的应对之策在于：加强非政府组织（NGO）的作用,注意发挥政府的作用,加强磋商阶段的游说工作,加快外贸增长方式转变,调整商品的市场结构和加快高级经贸法律专门人才的培养。     

"对单位判处罚金"研究

“对单位判处罚金”作为刑法中对单位处罚的规定,存在两点不足之处。一是由于该规范要素文字表述过于简约,导致司法实践中适用性不强;二是含有“对单位判处罚金”的复杂描述性规范中,对“情节严重的”、甚至对“情节特别严重的”等类似的加重情节中,是否适用“对单位判处罚金”规定不明。只有从刑法谦抑原则、双罚制原则及罪刑均衡原则出发,才能正确理解并适用“对单位判处罚金”。     

在俄华商受"灰色清关"之害

“灰色清关”是中俄贸易中存在已久的问题,受其影响,在俄华商的贸易活动存在很大风险,一旦被俄方查获,货物基本损失殆尽,但由于种种原因,这个问题存在至今。     

"费尔巴哈派"与"中间环节"的再审视

科学把握“费尔巴哈派”和“中间环节”概念的内涵,是理解费尔巴哈哲学在马克思早期思想发展中的地位和作用的关键。“费尔巴哈派”实质包含两个方面的内容,一是马克思和恩格斯对费尔巴哈哲学的“欢迎”态度,二是费尔巴哈哲学对他们的“强烈地影响”。“中间环节”作用主要体现在三个方面:唯物主义的解释原则;人本学的思维路径;无神论的宗教异化思想。马克思早期思想发展过程中存在着一个费尔巴哈阶段,费尔巴哈哲学“在某些方面”是黑格尔哲学与马克思哲学之间的“中间环节”。     

谈"官德"

“官德”是一种特殊的职业道德，为古今中外的统治阶级所重视。中国传统上是一个崇尚德治的国家，中国传统文献几乎无一不涉及“官德”问题。诸多政治家、思想家的共识是“惟治乱在庶官”，“官德”直接关系到国家的治乱兴衰。今天，党的领导干部虽然不同于旧时官吏，但从执掌社会公共权力的共性着眼，人们通常也把领导干部称之为“官”，领导干部的从政道德也就被称之为“官德”。以德治国的治国方略要求领导干部首先具有高尚的道德情操。以德治国，重在以德治“官”。在新时期的严峻挑战面前，领导干部的“官德”建设在公民道德素质建设中…     

费尔巴哈哲学的"直观"概念探析

“直观”是费尔巴哈哲学的基石性概念,是费尔巴哈批判黑格尔哲学的工具和建构自己新哲学的原则。对于费尔巴哈的“直观”概念,不应仅从认识论意义上去理解,而应放在“世界观”视域中去把握。“直观”对于费尔巴哈是一把“双刃剑”,依据“直观”,他使唯物主义重新登上“王座”;也正是由于“直观”,他的唯物主义成为“直观的唯物主义”,辩证法成为不彻底的,认识论成为直观的被动的反映论,在历史观上滑向唯心主义。     

核心劳动标准与中国工会

一、社会条款1.社会条款问题——将劳动标准与贸易挂钩。WTO是经济一体化、资本全球化的标志,也有人称之为全世界资本家联合起来的标志。WTO的宗旨之一就是自由贸易、资本自由流动,即“扩大世界资源的充分利用”;WTO的基本原则是市场经济基础上的自由竞争,这一原则也就是资本运行的基本原则。     

关于“国民待遇”和内外资企业的对策研究

国民待遇原则是关贸总协定中的重要原则之一。在乌拉圭回合谈判中,这一原则已扩大到“服务贸易”等领域。 不论关贸总协定所阐述的国民待遇原则适用于哪些领域,其基本政策精神都是一样的,即在国内税费的征收和有关方面,给予外国产品(企业)的待遇应不低于给予本国产品(企业)的待遇。     

Freeing money: Why have states been more willing to liberalize capital controls than trade barriers?

This article investigates why advanced industrial states have chosen to dismantle their postwar capital controls during a period — the 1970s and 1980s — when they became less enthusiastic about eliminating trade restrictions. Four explanations are presented. First, the unique mobility and fungibility of money was important in both encouraging competitive deregulation pressures and making the control of financial movements difficult, each of which created differing collective action dynamics in the financial sector than existed in the trade field. Second, the US and Britain played a leading role in encouraging financial liberalization because they held distinct hegemonic interests in finance that did not exist to the same degree in the trade sector. Third, domestic coalitions of neo-liberal advocates and internationally-oriented corporate interests encountered relatively little domestic political resistance to their demands for financial liberalization because of the low domestic political visibility of international financial issues. Finally, financial liberalization and trade protectionism may in fact have been directly related: it has proven difficult for states to maintain liberal practices in finance and trade at the same time.     

公与私：中国行业协会的矛盾定位解析

改革开放以来，随着市场经济的发展，行业协会作为一种同类企业间的联合互益组织在社会经济生活中起着日益重要的作用。但由于行业协会本身所蕴含的的市场性以及我国对行业协会的特殊定位，其公益性与私益性的冲突已经成为制约我国行业协会发展的首要因素，因此唯有在认真探讨市场化的主流趋势与非营利化的新兴走向之间的异同，才能重新定义我国行业协会的发展路径，以期实现行业的善治。     

企业合作问题研究

面对严峻的市场环境,许多企业纷纷从对立型的市场竞争转向合作型竞争,合作已经成为企业竞争的有效手段.企业合作不同于普通的市场交易,也有别于企业内部的层级管理,是介于市场交易和一体化之间的组织形式.企业是以赢利为目的的经济实体,降低交易成本、实现专业化分工和规模经济是企业进行合作的主要动力.在合作形式上有企业战略联盟、企业集团和对口支援等不同形式.     

Japan's policy on steel trade disputes with the United States: a comparative analysis

Abstract

This article examines interactions among the United States, Japan and the European Union over steel trade disputes with particular interest in Japan's reactions to the disputes. For this objective, this paper establishes an analytical framework that takes into account bilateral, international, and domestic factors in formulating a state's external policy and relations. It was found that the special relationship with the United States still impinged on Japan's reactions to steel trade disputes, but its influence has gradually declined. Moreover, growing familiarity with World Trade Organization (WTO) rules and practices and collaboration with other countries enabled Tokyo to expand its policy options to handle steel trade conflicts with Washington. Significantly, Japan formally adopted seemingly bold measures to cope with the US steel safeguard action, but the measures’ substantial influence on the US government was limited compared with those adopted by the European Union. Weak policy coordination among ministries prevented Japan from formulating strategic and effective measures in managing steel trade disputes with the United States.     

Choosing free trade without amending the U.S. Constitution

This paper documents the functioning of the market in trade protection. It uses a narrative approach to demonstrate that politicians respond to the demands of special interests by forcing open foreign markets and by closing domestic markets. In the process government officials violate property rights, disregard economic logic, damage the world trading system, multiply rent-seeking costs, and destroy wealth. Such outcomes imply that there is a constitutional failure, and that the rules and institutions governing international trade need to be reformed. This paper discusses several such changes and considers how consumers could be mobilized to support them.     

Conflict in Trade Policy: The Role of the Congress and the Provinces in Negotiating and Implementing the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement

The provincial role in trade policy has until recently beenlimited, but the increasing impact of international trade negotiationson domestic policy issues has come into direct conflict withprovincial jurisdiction. At the same time, Congress has handedsome of its constitutional authority over trade matters to theexecutive branch through the granting of "fast track" negotiatingauthority. The paper argues that, as a result of these developments,the functional roles that Congress and the provinces playedin the negotiation of the FTA were not significantly differentin the two countries. However, in the implementation of thetrade agreement, roles again became clearly defined by constitutionaljurisdiction.     

Trading places

This paper examines effects that alternative voting systems can have on electoral outcomes in multicandidate elections. Using ballots collected from a county Republican Party special election, we recount the votes using preference-based voting systems and compare the results to the special election outcome. Relative rankings of candidates change across vote counting rules and voting systems. Because candidates trade places depending on rules, there are strong strategic implications for candidates and for those establishing the rules.     

Recent trends in the European Union trade and investment policy towards China

The last decades＇ trend towards the creation of a world market of goods and services and the upsurge of China as a global competitor ought to be considered as an important challenge for the European Union. In contrast to this interpretation, the European Union policy towards China has suffered from an absence from a long run view. European institutional behaviour has been based on applying measures that were solely reactions to the policies launched by the United States. Finally, the difficulty of finding common interests among all member countries has been a constant in the relationship with China. The European Union has recently shown a clear concern about the unavoidable need of improving European firms＇ competitiveness, especially in order to overcome the Chinese access to the internationalised division of labour. Nevertheless, it is still difficult to observe a thorough treatment for the economic challenge of emergent economies as a whole in many European policy measures.     

RCEP之于我国及亚太地区发展意义解构

2020年下半年国内疫情得到有效控制后,我国完成了一系列事关未来国家经济发展的重大举措,其中,签署RCEP无疑是我国自"一带一路"倡议之后践行人类命运共同体价值理念的又一重大行动。RCEP凭借本身巨型的体量、庞大的潜力、丰富的内涵对成员国的发展起到多层面的重要促进作用,虽然形式上RCEP只是一份区域自贸协定,但其意义绝不仅限于商业贸易领域,在更为深层的政治、经济、国际影响力及话语权等层面,RCEP对于我国和亚太地区的发展还具有更多难以估量的推动作用。为推动RCEP的顺利落实,我国要不断加快经济结构调整以及产业优化升级的步伐,以RCEP为契机加速亚太经济一体化进程,同时还要持续深化双边、多边自由贸易和区域合作。     

Death of the East Asian Goose and the Rise of China’s Geoindustrial Policy

China’s Belt and Road Initiative and its associated domestic industrial policies represent a parallel trade and investment strategy that challenges the Akamatsu principle of the Flying Geese pattern of industrial development in East Asia. This paper is positioned against the dominant orthodox theory of national systems of industrial development in East Asia. It argues that China’s trade and industry policy in the 2012–2017 period has demonstrated that government will expand its industrial policy market intervention rather than retract, moving away from the regional economic integration order by moving industrial production and import trade away from the Asia-Pacific along a Westward axis to the Indian Ocean and Eurasia. Implications are that the emergence of China’s geoindustrial policy will subvert multilateral trade norms as China begins to institutionalise its external trade and industrial policies.