Party as linkage

Nomination: Costs and benefits of party membership reconsidered by Wolfgang C. Müller, p.169
Reflections: Party as linkage by Richard S. Katz, p171     

又联合又斗争是党的建设的一条基本经验

正确处理同资产阶级的复杂关联,是党的建设的一项重要内容。在这个问题上既有成功的经验,也有失败的教训。近２０多年来我国重新产生了一个资产阶级,如何处理同它的关系,作为一个重大而严肃的党的建设问题,在新条件下又重新摆在我们面前。回到过去“一切斗争,否认联合”、“以阶级斗争为纲”的道路上是完全错误的,而“一切联合,否认斗争”,适应内外资产阶级的要求,实行私有化、改变社会主义性质更是危险的。唯一正确的解决办法是坚持党的基本路线和基本纲领,在新的形势下,创造出坚持和发展社会主义的新经验。     

联体与联动：作为社会治理制度的在线调解创新

在线调解是将信息和通信技术与调解制度相结合的技术创新与制度创新。在线调解不仅创新地将各类调解制度联体起来,实现了党的十九届四中全会提出的完善人民调解、行政调解、司法调解联动工作体系的要求,而且开拓性地将调解制度与相关的社会治理制度联动起来,成为多元化解矛盾纠纷的综合性平台。比较分析莆田调解和浙化平台两个在线调解平台后发现,二者在各自功能定位的基础上,依托各自牵头组织的优势,分别采用了制度联体和制度联动两种方式,实现了社会治理制度共建共享共治,提升了在线调解的制度效能,推动了矛盾化解在基层,促进了社会稳定和谐。     

Party Platforms with Endogenous Party Membership

This paper proposes and analyzes a model of how the behaviorof voters and that of potential party activists togetherdetermine party membership and the ideological characteristicsof party platforms. Membership decisions are based onexpressive motivations, whereas platforms are chosenstrategically. Part of the ideological spectrum may remainoutside both parties because of alienation or indifference.     

Foreign Policy as Battlefield: A Study of National Interest and Party Motives

In no other policy arena are party unity and national unity considered as critical as in security and foreign policy. Party unity on foreign policy is viewed as a national security strategy of particular importance in times of international crisis and uncertainty, or as an expression of party strategy and ideological considerations. Through an empirical study of programs, congresses, voters and ideology of the Swedish parties 1945–1993, we show that the presence or absence of tension in the international system does not affect the inclination of parties to take issue on matters of foreign policy. We also show that parties argue just as much about issues that are central to Swedish security policy as they do about issues that do not directly affect national interest. The main sources of party disagreement over foreign policy seem to be ideologically motivated.     

People, Place and Party: Describing Party Activism

The aim of this article is to present a structure for the historical study of party activism. Based on research carried out on the activities of the Social Democratic Federation (SDF) between 1884 and 1911, the article puts forward the case that current understandings of that organisation should be reassessed to include the notion of the 'political journeys' of the activists. Instead of focusing exclusively on ideology, the article suggests that other poles or features such as locality and collective biography should be used. If the organisation is viewed from a wider perspective and with a longer exposure time, then, this article argues, a clearer picture presents itself.     

欧洲议会党团:一种特殊的政党组织

新世纪以来,为研究“共产党的执政规律”,有关政党问题的论著相继问世,其中不少论著涉及西欧政党问题。但能够既系统又简要且具学术性地反映出政党发源地——西欧国家冷战后政党基本状况的论著并不多见。本组笔谈力图达到这个目的。     

Equilibrium Party Government

In this article, I present an equilibrium model of party government within a two-party legislature. The theory is predicated upon members of the majority party having potentially conflicting individual and collective interests. In response to this potential conflict, the members of the majority party endogenously choose a degree of control to grant to their leadership. The equilibrium level of party strength is decreasing in the size of the majority party and increasing in the strength of opposition among members of the minority party. The theory implies that the average performance of W-Nominate estimates of majority party members' ideal points will be a decreasing function of the size of the majority party while the performance of these estimates for members of the minority party will not be affected by the size of the majority party. Using data from the U.S. House and Senate between 1866 and 2004, the theory's predictions are largely consistent with roll-call voting in both chambers.     

The Parliamentary Party

The Conservative parliamentary party will fulfill three important functions for any incoming Conservative government: it will be the focus of attention for the national media; it will be the bulk vote that will deliver its legislative programme; it will form the talent pool from which members of any incoming government will be recruited. A majority Conservative government could see a majority of its MPs newly elected, with more Conservative women and ethnic minority MPs than ever before (although there will be little change in the socio-economic background of their MPs). These new MPs will present problems in terms of party management, although they will be less likely to rebel than longer-serving MPs. There are also relatively few signs of discontent among incumbent Conservative MPs (the article identifies the most rebellious Conservative MPs). Any new Conservative government will also have to deal with a reformed House of Lords, in which it will no longer have a majority.     

党性修养是加强组织纪律性的内在保障

当前,党员的组织纪律性亟待进一步加强。强化组织纪律不仅需要严格管理,更需要增强党员的党性修养。加强党性修养是增强组织纪律性的基础工程,既能有力提升组织纪律性的层次,又能促使党员创造性地执行党的组织纪律。随着形势和任务的变化,为确保党员的组织纪律性不断提升,加强党性修养必须坚持与时俱进,方法途径需要传承创新,通过阅读与比较,提升理论修养水平;通过善行与反思,提升道德修养水平;通过鉴戒与"涅磐",提升纪律修养水平;通过学习与实践,提升能力修养水平,从而合力形成增强组织纪律性的内在保障。     

中国共产党党校工作条例

第一章总则 第一条为适应中国特色社会主义事业发展的要求,进一步完善中国共产党党校教育体系,推进党校工作的科学化、规范化、制度化,根据<中国共产党章程>、<中华人民共和国公务员法>和有关法律法规,结合党校工作实际,制定本条例.     

The Feminisation of the Conservative Parliamentary Party: Party Members' Attitudes

Under David Cameron's leadership reforms have been made to the Conservative party's parliamentary selection procedures and distinct women's policy initiatives have been developed. This article, based on focus group data with party members, explores attitudes towards measures designed to recruit more women Conservative MPs. Broadly, we find that, despite widespread support for the principle of greater social diversity among PPCs, members are uncomfortable with the specific measures that have been introduced. This is largely on the grounds that anything approaching 'positive discrimination' should be eschewed in favour of the 'meritocratic' selection of candidates. Further, the members tend to resent central party 'interference' in what has traditionally been the domain of local Constituency Associations.     

区别革命党与执政党的四个维度

革命党与执政党到底有什么区别?这是我们正确认识革命党与执政党问题,以执政党思维来加强党的执政能力建设的逻辑起点。区别革命党与执政党的四个维度是:党政关系的维度、党法关系的维度、党群关系的维度和党内关系的维度。从党政关系的维度看,革命党与执政党的区别在于与政权的关系不同、与政治体制的关系不同、与政府的关系不同、党的政治任务的不同、作用于政权和政治体制的方式不同。从党法关系的维度看,区别在于法律地位不同、对法统的态度和行为不同、党的政策与国家法律的关系不同、对法的重视程度不同。从党群关系的维度看,区别在于群众概念的外延不同、脱离群众的危险程度不同、分析群众的方法论不同、判断群众政治上先进落后的标准不同。从党内关系的维度看,区别在于对党员和干部的要求不同、党内的领导方式不同、党的建设方式的不同、党的活动方式不同。