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1.
在“一带一路”倡议中,非洲国家不可或缺。非洲国家工会的发展可以分为 3 个阶段,即殖民时期、独立运动后初期及政治民主化转型时期。非洲工会发展与政治斗争密不可分,这也决定了其社会运动工会主义的“激进”特性。现在非洲工会力量普遍薄弱,一方面是由于经济自由化导致了正式经济中的大量失业和工会成员人数的急剧下降,另一方面是因为许多非洲国家政府对劳动法的改革,在承认工会合法地位的同时又极大限制了工会行动。虽然非洲工会在劳动雇佣管制中的作用有限,但是当发生严重侵犯工人权利的行为时,非洲工会仍然会通过组织工人罢工、静坐等形式来进行反抗。研究建议,对于在非投资的中资企业来说,要更加关注东道国的工会运行情况,充分尊重员工的权利,加强与工会的沟通,提升员工的归属感。 相似文献
2.
《Labor History》2012,53(3):308-318
In a single European aviation market that is open to innovative new business strategies, most notably the (ultra) low-cost model developed by Ryanair, nonterritorial forms of sovereignty have been used to redefine employment relations, exert control over labor, and extract surplus value. Although aviation unions recognize the need to shift scale from a predominantly local focus on their national (flag) airline, they have yet to develop effective strategies at the supranational level as low-fare airlines continually extend their geographical reach in the open skies over Europe and beyond. Union strategies are considered at different levels (national and EU) as well as the different processes to enact these strategies (technocratic and democratic). Unions need to develop a Euro-democratization strategy if they are to arrest the anti-unionism and social dumping of European “sky pirates” such as Ryanair and Norwegian Air Shuttle. 相似文献
3.
《Labor History》2012,53(5):639-655
AbstractAlthough most scholarship stresses that ‘male regular worker-centeredness’ is a trait of mainstream Korean labor unions, the specific reasons why feminism has failed to spread within Korean unionism have not been clarified. In order to answer this question, this article focuses on the entangled interrelations of feminism with broader social movements, maintaining that the historical legacy of the victory of the 1987 Great Worker Struggle – led by male workers from the heavy and chemical industries – is still a powerful factor in discouraging the spread of feminism, even though a fundamental transformation in the nature of Korean labor unions from being primarily class conscious to economistic has taken place. This article also highlights that Korean women’s movements have raised little criticism against the gender-blindness of labor unionism largely because Korean labor unions have been positioned as a ‘moral force’ in bringing about democratization. Furthermore, I stress that conflict between old feminists (socialist feminism) and young feminists (radical feminism), who tend to reflect on the dichotomous relations between gender and/or class, has actually been counterproductive to the proliferation of feminism within Korean labor unions. 相似文献
4.
Quan D. Mai 《Labor History》2016,57(2):141-169
The period that spanned the Gilded Age to the onset of the Great Depression saw the rise and relative decline of the US labor movement. The salient events of labor movements over these years undoubtedly shaped public perception about labor issues, and some scholars have been attempting to unpack the mechanisms through which depictions and characterizations of the ‘labor problem’ were produced in authoritative venues that could have shaped the future of the movement. This study goes beyond the standard practice of explaining news report volume to feature the political valance of the reports on the labor problem over a 63-year time period. The aforementioned period also saw significant changes in news reporting practices, with the rise of objective informational writing and the embrace of journalism as a profession. The change within journalism itself could potentially shape the depiction of the labor problem, yet such change has been overlooked by existing literature pertaining to the topic. This research makes a theoretical case for integrating social processes central to the labor movement and journalism from 1870 to 1932 and explains patterns in the cultural production of the labor problem in the New York Times by analyzing these two tracks of history in conjunction using both qualitative and quantitative data. 相似文献
5.
Sissel Rosland 《Nora, Nordic Journal of Women's Studies》2017,25(3):195-210
This article analyses the character and meanings of references to Norwegian experiences in the UK women’s suffrage campaign. It argues that the references to Norway served two main purposes. Firstly, they served as evidence of all the good things that would happen as a result of women gaining the vote, such as wage equality and social reform. Secondly, they played a significant part in establishing a counter-narrative to the anti-suffragist warnings of all the terrible things that would follow women’s suffrage. The study also discusses the limitations of political exchange and shows how different political contexts came into play in the debates on the validity of the Norwegian example. 相似文献
6.
Anusa Daimon 《Labor History》2017,58(5):656-675
The article examines the transnational role of Malawian (Nyasa) migrant laborers in the emergence and development of African labor and proto-nationalist movements in Southern Africa. Using both archival and secondary evidence mainly from Southern Rhodesia and South Africa, it argues that the history of Southern Africa’s labor consciousness from the early to mid-twentieth century can be enriched by exploring the place of Nyasa migrants in shaping anti-colonial processes across the region. Nyasa migrants, a product of the colonial labor migration system (chibaro/mthandizi), laid the foundations for, and influenced trade unionism in the region, especially between 1910 and 1960. The colonial wage economy created ambiguities of dependence for Africans forcing many into a migrant and capitalist world laden with dilemmas, tightropes, and frustrations that fueled social movements. Malawian migrants who were at the core of such movements within a regional colonial economic system, gained a reputation for being ‘ringleaders and troublemakers’ to the colonial governments. Existing literature has not fully historicized the centrality of Nyasas in molding this critical episode of Southern African history. The historiography has dealt with these dynamics in an ad hoc manner, approaching this Nyasa ‘annoyance’ on a national basis, without drawing on the underlying regional connections. 相似文献
7.
《Labor History》2012,53(3):237-253
Labor movements have always found it difficult to reveal and transform the social relations that constitute markets. The growing transnational movements of goods, capital, and services in themselves have therefore not triggered closer trade union cooperation across borders. Transnational collective action also requires conscious choices and a mutual understanding that solidarity across borders is warranted. For this reason, this special issue of Labor History assesses the role that politicization processes play in triggering transnational union action. 相似文献
8.
国际劳工组织自1999年提出"体面劳动"的理念后,一直在全球推行体面劳动。体面劳动所涵盖的内容既是国际劳工组织的战略目标,也是中国一直致力于实现的目标。 相似文献
9.
《Labor History》2012,53(6):685-703
ABSTRACTThe 1885 Chinese expulsion from Tacoma, Washington Territory highlights the importance of local political economy in shaping how a wider anti-Chinese movement played out in a particular community. Tacoma was a newly emerging city where white residents felt the threat of corporate domination in the form of the Northern Pacific Railroad. In this context, the city’s German immigrant mayor, Jacob Weisbach, could draw upon his longstanding labor radicalism to mobilize a broad anti-Chinese coalition that blurred the divide between white workers and the local business class. The result was the forceful removal of Chinese residents following a year-long campaign that culminated in mob action and became known as the ‘Tacoma Method’. This local violence in turn fed into ongoing national efforts to secure Chinese exclusion. Tacoma’s Chinese expulsion illustrates how radical labor traditions could be turned, under particular conditions, to the politics of racial repression even as the proponents of expulsion framed their efforts in terms of an egalitarian and democratic agenda. The participation of the Knights of Labor and other labor radicals in a politics exemplified by the Tacoma Method was accordingly tied to the larger racialized American state-building project as it unfolded in the late 19th Century. 相似文献
10.
劳动合同的定性及其对立法的影响 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
许建宇 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2005,19(6):17-21
劳动合同是一种在“契约自由”原则基础上渗透了国家公权力必要干预的、以社会公共利益为本位的合同。“社会性”是劳动合同的本质属性。为了充分体现劳动合同的法律性质,在劳动合同立法中应当把握和处理好当事人“意思自治”与国家干预的关系,劳动合同约定与法定、规定、“有利原则”的关系,借鉴、吸收民事合同理论与体现劳动合同制度自身特质的关系。 相似文献
11.
Parent–child interaction is important for early childhood development and best practice in early child care and education (ECCE) promotes effective parent–child interaction. However, research about ECCE impact on parent–child interaction is inconclusive. This study analyzed data from Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS) to examine the effect of ECCE attendance on parent–child interactions in Central Asia, using a 2SLS regression analysis to explicitly model selection bias and isolate the causal effect of ECCE on the quality of parent–child interactions.The study found that increased hours of ECCE led to increased parent–child interaction in every country under investigation. This demonstrates that even underfunded ECCE programs in Central Asia can have significant positive effect, and has broader implications for all ECCE programs. 相似文献
12.
Charles Z. Levkoe 《The Journal of peasant studies》2014,41(3):385-403
In the Global North, there has been increasing analysis of the ways that alternative food initiatives (AFIs) are developing viable, place-based solutions that challenge the corporate-led industrial food system; however, there has been little study of the interrelationships among them. In an effort to better understand the possibilities for food system transformation, this paper builds on existing studies to investigate the increasing collaborations among AFIs occurring through provincial food networks in Canada. I pay particular attention to the attempts to foster and maintain these networks by exploring the history of collaboration since the late 1970s and the development of provincial networking organizations (PNOs) as central to this process. Contrary to assumptions that AFIs act in isolation, I demonstrate that they are part of actual and existing mobilizations through robust social movement networks. Together, these collaborative efforts may be illustrative of a new wave in food activism that is represented by the emergence of a multi-scaled and cross-sectoral ‘food movement’ – a network of networks. 相似文献
13.
工会领袖们的困惑:劳动关系面临的挑战 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
黄河涛 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2007,21(1):14-17
经济全球化向世界各国工会提出严峻挑战,工会必须进行相应变革,重新审视自己的战略目标,建立新的伙伴关系,协调劳资矛盾,以应对经济全球化和跨国公司的挑战。 相似文献
14.
唐晓旺 《北京市工会干部学院学报》2009,24(1)
作为协调劳动关系的重要依据,劳动合同法确立了对劳动者合法权益的保护,确保了员工在劳动条件、安全生产、工资福利等方面的基本人权.然而,基于降低用工成本的动机,一些企业千方百计地规避劳动合同法,漠视员工的合法权益,凸显了其对劳动者社会责任的缺失.为了解决这一难题,当前亟需建立企业自主履行对员工社会责任的长效机制,将劳动合同法的外在约束转化为企业履行对员工社会责任的内在激励,形成劳动者权益保障与企业可持续发展的统一. 相似文献
15.
Leah Temper 《The Journal of peasant studies》2019,46(1):188-216
This paper explores the political processes that activists engaged in contesting land grabbing have triggered to connect claims across borders and to international institutions, regimes and processes. Through a review of cases of land-grab resistance that have led to project cancelation or suspension, I argue that contextual elements of the land grab and shifting geopolitics highlight the need for adaptation and refinement of models of transnational advocacy, historically structured in North–South patterns. For example, while some elements of the boomerang pattern of transnational advocacy are still relevant, changing realities call for new empirically enriched models. To this end, I outline two typologies of political contention that can help us conceptualize multi-scalar interactions between activists to demonstrate the impact of local resistances at larger scales – ‘the catapult effect’ and the ‘minefield effect’. This paper contributes to calls for further theorization to understand how feedback processes between international discourses, meso-politics and conflicts and resistance at local sites of production impact the implementation of contested land deals. 相似文献
16.
谭泓 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2022,36(1):41-49
《劳动合同法》因涉及亿万劳动者切身利益而备受社会关注,它有力地推动着传统劳动关系的和谐稳定.在《劳动合同法》颁布即将十五年之际,本研究从\"实践实施\"\"社会价值\"\"立法属性\"及\"立法宗旨\"等角度,对其探索、实施与推动予以回顾探讨.本研究认为:《劳动合同法》是最为典型的社会法,对于\"统筹社会力量、平衡社会利益、调节社会关系... 相似文献
17.
土地革命时期的劳动竞赛是中国共产党对广大人民群众进行政治动员的重要方式。中央苏区自建立伊始就不断遭到国民党反动派残酷的军事“围剿”和严密的经济封锁,因此解决粮食问题对于苏维埃政权的生存与巩固至关重要,春耕运动的开展便是劳动竞赛自身动员功能与革命现实需求高度契合的结果,同时传统农民的行为逻辑与春耕竞赛动员之间呈现出明显的耦合性。党和苏维埃政府在春耕竞赛中运用典型示范与群众参与相统一、氛围营造与压力传导相一致的策略,动员广大民众积极参与其中,同时通过组织领导、制度建设、整顿规范三方面的措施使春耕竞赛在政治认同规约下健康发展。春耕竞赛的有效开展,充分挖掘了苏区农业生产潜力,大大支援了革命战争事业,有力促进了苏区妇女解放。探讨劳动竞赛的动员逻辑,有助于深化革命战争年代中国共产党开展政治动员的实践研究。 相似文献
18.
王永玺 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2004,18(1):62-65
周恩来在解放战争转入战略反攻和建国前后,对工人运动和工会工作发表了一系列重要讲话和指示,为中华全国总工会的恢复、发展指明了方向,并阐述了新的工运方针的基本原则,从而为新中国工会组织的发展和工会理论的开拓,做出了重大贡献。 相似文献
19.
李晓晴 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2005,19(4):122
学报编辑工作是人类社会先进文化活动的一部分,其功能是积累和传播人类共同创造的社会先进文化成果。学报编辑工作具有政治性、思想性,反映一定阶段社会集团的利益和愿望。学报编辑工作是一个具有多样性、社会性的文化工程;学报编辑是人类文化创新的调控者;学报编辑是先进文化的策划者、生产者、建设者和创新者。 相似文献
20.
林燕玲 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2019,33(6):1-24
系统梳理概括了国际劳工组织百年发展中的五大贡献,研究表明,几乎每个改变社会和劳动的事件都与国际劳工组织密切相关,在关键的历史时刻它发挥了重要的作用。中国与国际劳工组织的联系源远流长。中国政府和工会、雇主组织在劳动立法、就业促进和社会保障的价值理念、体制机制等方面,吸收了国际劳工组织和国际劳工标准的有益经验和积极影响,履行了国际劳工组织成员国的义务。因此,无论是要构建和谐劳动关系,还是致力于积极参与国际劳动治理,都需要加强对国际劳工组织和国际劳工标准的基础性和应用性研究,以便不断加强我国劳动社会保障法制建设,为促进体面劳动,实现社会正义做出贡献。 相似文献