Hooks down! Anti-apartheid activism and solidarity among maritime unions in Australia and the United States*

Our research compares and contrasts the transnational activism of maritime unions in Australia and the United States in what became the first and longest example of global solidarity in the post-World War II era – the anti-apartheid movement. Dockworkers, with a deep history of solidarity, occupied a strategic position to exert real influence on the South African state by refusing to unload South African cargo. We analyze the actions of the Waterside Workers’ Federation (WWF) in Australia and the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) in the US, namely by exploring notions of solidarity and political unionism among marine transport workers, ideological motivations for solidarity activism, ethnic and race relations among workers, and labor connections these maritime unions made beyond the waterfront. We find and account for similarities and differences in Australian and US labor activism that often is underrepresented and incompletely explained in the literature.     

对乡镇工会建设问题的分析与思考

乡镇企业的蓬勃发展造就了一支庞大的乡镇企业职工队伍。乡镇企业发展的特殊性 ,使乡镇企业职工的合法权益更易受到侵害。他们更需要工会组织的保护。乡镇工会组织建设受到许多因素的制约 ,这既有认识上的偏差 ,又有政府体制方面的原因。提出中国工会的社会地位 ,发挥各级党组织的保证作用 ,改善工会工作环境 ,是乡镇工会建设工作取得长足发展的必要条件。     

推进法治化建设开创工会工作新局面

全面建成小康社会已进入决定性的阶段,改革也进入攻坚期和深水区,我们面对的改革发展稳定任务之重前所未有,矛盾风险挑战之多前所未有,依法治国在党和国家工作全局中的地位日益突出。如何增强工会干部的法治意识、将工会各项工作纳入法治化轨道就成为工会服务大局的重大问题。本文集中论述两个问题:一是法治的重要性与迫切性;二是工会在法治建设中的着力点。     

Workers and technological change in the United States

Abstract

In this paper, we put forward a theoretical framework for understanding a positive relationship between labor laws and innovation and rigorously test it against both historical and empirical data. We show how several periods in the economic history of the United States – like the increase in slave-field hand productivity in cotton picking in the Antebellum South, the transition in the North from artisanal shops to nonmechanized factories, the increase in productivity in mechanized textile factories in the Northeast in the late Antebellum period, and the increase in productivity in sharecropping after the Civil War – can be understood, at least partially, through our theoretical framework. To build further support for the framework, we empirically analyze how change in labor laws during the early twentieth century affected patent issuance by state. And we also look at how changes in worker power, as proxied by strike activity, affected patent issuance by industry between the early twentieth century and 1980.     

论工会系统函授远程教育面临的挑战

通过对我国成人教育现状的分析 ,研究工会系统函授高等教育面临的状况和挑战 ,探讨其实施远距离继续教育所具有的终身性和开放性 ,及当前我国远程教育存在的问题和对策。     

探索理顺集团公司与子公司的工会关系和经费关系

在企业改制过程中 ,新组建的集团公司工会与下属子公司工会的关系及工会经费拨缴问题出现了许多新情况、新问题。因此 ,工会的组织体制和运行机制也必须相应改革。要坚持工会组织的性质不变 ,集团公司工会与子公司工会的隶属关系不变 ,及“把握共性 ,体现个性”的原则。     

Rural unions and the struggle for land in Brazil

Studies of Brazil's agricultural labor movement have generally neglected its relationship to the struggle for land, but this is neither fair nor accurate. Analyzing the rural labor movement's historical contributions to the land struggle in Brazil, this contribution has been organized into three main periods, emphasizing social relations, institutional activism and policy changes. It argues that despite the peculiarities of different historical contexts, rural labor consistently provoked protest against policies that privileged large landholders, whose concentration of power over land and labor resources continually worsened Brazil's ranking as one of the most unequal of nations. For more than half a century, the most constant opponent of this situation among the peasantry has been the National Confederation of Workers in Agriculture (CONTAG), a corporatist organization of rural labor unions founded in 1963.     

Power and dispossession in the neoliberal food regime: oil palm expansion in Guatemala

ABSTRACT

Guatemala’s palm oil production has surged in line with the global demand for biodiesel and vegetable oil production. While corporate land grabs have been a popular concept in agrarian studies, we emphasize the integral roles of the state and racially-charged political power relations, enhanced by the neoliberal food regime. These power relations, with racism at their core, foster land control grabs occurring alongside the rise of the palm oil industry. Their effects extend beyond merely the dispossession of land. The oil palm expansion and related dispossessions mostly benefit the international markets and the wealthy ruling class comprised of creole descendants and affluent ladinos. The soaring industry has given rise to human rights violations and a lack of access to or control of various resources, such as food and water. Based on fieldwork, we show that dispossessed Guatemalans, especially the indigenous, experience rising poverty, domestic food shortages and an influx of foreign foodstuffs as the meagrely paid work in the oil palm sector is only available for the few.     

Texting girls: images,sounds, and words in neoliberal cultures of femininity

This introductory essay provides an overview of the arguments and premises of this special issue, Texting Girls: Images, Sounds, and Words in Neoliberal Cultures of Femininity. Situated within the recent historical conjuncture in which “girls” (and all that is suggested by the term) have an unprecedented cultural visibility, the essay argues that the figure of the girl is coerced into performing forms of symbolic work within neoliberalism that displaces and contains the corrosive effects of capitalism unbound. Drawing from recent work in Girl Studies and Feminist Theory, the introduction demonstrates that this work relies upon a long-standing conflation of girls and commodification, which supports “girlphobic” constructions in both pro-capitalist stances and anti-capitalist critiques.     

Maquila Workers in Mexico: The Prospects for Organization and International Solidarity

This article studies the changes in economic policy in the Netherlands and their effects on the coordinated market economy (CME). In order to gain insight into the development of the CME, the neo-corporatist literature and the concept of ‘policy learning’ are called upon. The article takes the analysis of Visser and Hemerijck on the changes in the Dutch labor market in the 1980s and 1990s as a starting point for the analysis of the development of the Dutch CME. The analysis includes a systematic review of macroeconomic developments. The frequent introduction of market-oriented solutions is related to a paradigm change in macroeconomic policy. ‘Policy learning’ explains the transition in priorities of economic policy in the Dutch corporatist economy. After a decade of increasing polarization in the 1970s, economic urgency increased and stimulated a regime change towards more market-oriented policy, creating a more liberal CME. In any CME, either new forms of coordination will develop, or market-based solutions will be sought. In the Netherlands, in various policy fields coordination was transferred to the market. Labor market reform was accompanied by supply-side reform and deregulation. The tension between global trends in economic ideas and their application in a CME was resolved by policy concertation (as institutionalized regular consultation between parties is often called) and learning, creating a more liberal business environment within the CME.     

Weblogistan goes to war: representational practices,gendered soldiers and neoliberal entrepreneurship in diaspora

In this article, which is based on twenty four months of combined online and off-line ethnographic research, I show the way that some Iranian diasporic bloggers use their weblogs as entrepreneurship resources during the ‘war on terror’. Through a discourse analysis of a documentary film about Weblogistan and interviews with diasporic Iranian bloggers in Toronto, I argue that Weblogistan is implicated in discourses of militarism and neoliberalism that interpellate the representable Iranian blogger as a gendered neoliberal homo oeconomicus. The production of knowledge about Iran in transnational encounters between the media, think tanks, policy institutions and the Iranian diasporic self-entrepreneurs, relies on gendered civilizational discourses that are inherently tied to the ‘war on terror’. Following feminist scholars who have theorized militarism and gender, I argue that dominant representations of Weblogistan produce different gendered subject positions for Iranian bloggers. Although the masculine blogger soldier takes freedom to Iran through his active participation in proper politics (enabled by his freedom of speech in North America and Europe), the woman blogger finds freedom of expression in writing about sex and telling the truth of her sex in a confessional mode. It is in this war of representation that women bloggers negotiate their subjectivity while shuttling in and out of local and global politics, as subjects of politics (markers of freedom and oppression) and political abjects (not worthy of political participation).     

Women's history: a study in continuity and change

In this response to Bridget Hill's viewpoint published inWomen's History Review, 2, pp. 5-22, Judith Bennett argues that her position is more subtle and more nuanced than Hill's critique would suggest. Bennett defends the historiographical importance of re-assessing the place of continuity in women's history; she emphasizes the legitimate place of generalization in women's history; and she argues that patriarchy is a critical subject of investigation for feminist historians.     

Indigenous peoples vs peasant unions: land conflicts and rural movements in plurinational Bolivia

Agrarian reforms do not constitute linear processes: rather, they are based on the interconnection between the crystallization of land governance in formal tenure rules and the way societies organize around a set of identities and power mechanisms. This paper focuses on how the misinterpretation of this two-way relationship, in setting up a new normative framework, can generate unintended consequences in terms of conflict. The recent wave of land conflicts in Bolivia shows how changes in the allocation of strategic resources inspired by the so-called ‘politics of recognition’ triggered processes of political ethnicization and organizational fragmentation, eventually contributing to fuelling new tensions between indigenous groups and peasant unions.     

Class,caste and gender in collective action: Agricultural labour unions in two Indian villages

This study asks why class, caste and gender ties operated differently in the mobilisation of agricultural labourers from two villages with a regional union movement. In both villages, mobilisation involved coalition building ‐ either across class or caste boundaries. The type of coalition assembled seems to depend on past political strategies that have been in use by labourers at least since the late 1940s. The contribution of social networks as conditioned by the organisation of the male and female workforces is also investigated. Such variables are found to be more ‘explanatory’ of participation in collective struggles with the labour union than abstract class categories or structural change in the economy.