Toleration and permissiveness

Professor Horowitz argues that it is important for political sociology to try to understand and analyse genocide as a distinct social phenomenon. For this purpose it must be clearly distinguished from other forms of human destruction, such as natural disasters, random killing, warfare and symbolic or cultural assaults. The collective nature of genocide sets it apart from other social evils, as it contradicts traditional Western approaches to law and morals which emphasize individual responsibility for actions.     

The Limits of Transparency

Few would disagree that more transparency is generally a good thing for democracy. Indeed so few would disagree that an unthinking consensus has developed where transparency appears to have become the political tonic to cure all ills. Political unaccountability? Let's have more transparency. Economic inefficiency? More transparency. Too close a relationship between politicians and the press? We need more transparency. These six essays by Andrew Murray, John Lloyd, Helen Margetts, Sean Maguire, Aleks Krotosky and Kevin Marsh question the sometimes unthinking consensus about the benefits of transparency. They question it from a legal perspective, from a journalistic perspective, from a governance perspective, from a technological perspective, from practical perspective, and from a civic perspective.     

The Limits of Political Citizenship

Policy makers tend to focus on the extension of citizenship as the primary means by which new populations become incorporated into a society. Although acquiring formal citizenship is necessary in order to participate in many aspects of a state's civic, social, and political life, the extension of legal citizenship is far from a guarantee for full membership. Instead of focusing exclusively on naturalizing immigrants, we need to consider T.H. Marshall's three spheres of citizenship—the civil, political, and social. By extending social elements of citizenship prior to or at the same time as we extend other benefits, we will move towards more complete citizenship for and greater civil and political engagement among all residents in our society—non-citizens, naturalized, and native-born, alike.

The Limits of Partisan Loyalty

Political Behavior - While partisan cues tend to dominate political choice, prior work shows that competing information can rival the effects of partisanship if it relates to salient political...     

政治市场理论的局限

多元主义民主理论与公共选择理论以市场逻辑分析政治现象,把政治空间市场化,两大理论为政治研究提供了许多有启发性的分析,也包含着某些不当的规范性含义,可能消解公共利益的概念。     

Locke and the Politics and Theology of Toleration

Locke's theory of toleration has been understood to rest on the claim that persecution was insufficient to instil either (i) true or (ii) sincere belief in people. Although Locke did indeed make both these claims, neither was fundamental to his theory. Locke was principally concerned to deny that persecution was necessary to instil true or sincere belief; its insufficiency to those ends he, and his contemporaries, took for granted. His denial of the necessity of persecution presupposed that human beings were, in principle, naturally adequate to the discovery of God's wants for them. The same presupposition, which derives from natural theology, underwrote the views in politics and revealed theology that complete his theory and supplied its moral content. Contemporary theories of toleration purposing to proceed on Lockean assumptions are morally and philosophically impoverished by their failure to see the requirements laid on an adequate theory of toleration by genuinely Lockean terms.     

Tradition and Prudence in Locke's Exceptions to Toleration

Why did Locke exclude Catholics and atheists from toleration? Not, I contend, because he was trapped by his context, but because his prudential approach and practical judgments led him to traditional texts. I make this argument first by outlining the connections among prudential exceptionality, practical judgments, and traditional texts. I then describe important continuities between conventional English understandings of the relationship between state and religion and Locke's writings on toleration, discuss Locke's conception of rights, and illustrate his use of prudential exceptions and distinctions. I conclude by arguing that Locke's problems are relevant to assessing contemporary liberal discussions of toleration and the separation of state and religion that lean heavily on practical justifications.     

“理性经济人”假设的合理性及其限度

"理性经济人"假设是西方经济学进行经济研究的前提假设,这一理论具有一定的合理性,其为经济学研究奠定了理论假设的前提。马克思主义认为:"人的本质不是单个人所固有的抽象物,在其现实性上,它是一切社会关系的总和。"[1]人的本性也是发展变化的,不能单从经济方面去界定人的本性,只有把人看做不断发展的、全面的人才是对人的正确认识,从这一方面来说"理性经济人"假设又有一定的限度。因此,应该对"理性经济人"假设作辩证的理解。     

The Growth of Government: Sources and Limits

Theories of the size of government focus on either the demandfor government or the supply of tax revenues. Demand sidetheories such as those of Peltzman, Meltzer and Richard,Husted and Kenny, and Lott and Kenny are essentially politicaltheories. They emphasize the role of voters or interest groupsin expanding government. Supply side theories such as those ofKau and Rubin, Baumol, West, and Ferris and West emphasize theability of government to collect taxes. In this paper, wecombine both demand and supply side theories. For demand, weuse the Poole-Rosenthal time series data on the ideology ofCongress, on the theory that all political forces mustultimately express themselves in voting which is measured byideology. For supply, we use the Kau-Rubin measures of theability of government to collect taxes as a function of thedeadweight costs of tax collection and ability of individualsto hide revenues. We find that female labor forceparticipation and the associated ability to tax femaleproductivity is the most important factor associated withgovernment, and it alone explains about 60% of the actualgrowth of government. The ideology of the Senate is alsosignificant, but has a small effect. This paper may be thefirst to examine the influence of ideology on the time path ofa policy; other research examining ideology (including ours)has been cross sectional. Further research on the role ofideology in changing policies over time is clearly warranted.     

The Limits of Ecological Inference: The Case of Split-Ticket Voting

We examine the limits of ecological inference methods by focusing on the case of split-ticket voting. Burden and Kimball (1998) report that, by using the King estimation procedure for inferring individual-level behavior from aggregate data, they are the first to produce accurate estimates of split-ticket voting rates in congressional districts. However, a closer examination of their data reveals that a satisfactory analysis of this problem is more complex than may initially appear. We show that the estimation technique is highly suspect in general and especially unhelpful with their particular data.     

The Uncovered Set and the Limits of Legislative Action

Ivan Jeliazkov Department of Economics, University of California, Irvine,Irvine, CA Itai Sened Department of Political Science, Washington University in St. Louis, St. Louis, MO We present a simulation technique for sorting out the size,shape, and location of the uncovered set to estimate the setof enactable outcomes in "real-world" social choice situations,such as the contemporary Congress. The uncovered set is a well-knownbut underexploited solution concept in the literature on spatialvoting games and collective choice mechanisms. We explain thissolution concept in nontechnical terms, submit some theoreticalobservations to improve our theoretical grasp of it, and providea simulation technique that makes it possible to estimate thisset and thus enable a series of tests of its empirical relevance.     

China and International Order: The Limits of Integration

Journal of Chinese Political Science - What does the rise of China mean for the international order, especially the liberal institutional order? Despite of the enormous scholarly attention paid to...