Russian Political Culture: The View from Utopia

The author argues that Russia and Georgia share responsibility for the war of August 2008: poisoned by imperial myths and illusions, both countries pursued unrealistic goals and harmed their real national interests.     

The Cocoon of Power: Democratic Implications of Interinstitutional Agreements

Abstract:  This article assesses Interinstitutional Agreements (IIAs) in terms of democratic theory. It starts from the premise that democratic rules as developed in the national context may be used as a yardstick for supranational governance as well. Thus, parliamentarisation of the Union is defined as an increase in democracy, although relating problems such as weak European party systems, low turnouts, and remoteness are not to be neglected. The article evaluates several case studies on IIAs in this vein and asks whether they strengthen the European Parliament or not, and why. It arrives at conclusions that allow for differentiation: empowerment of the European Parliament occurs in particular when authorisation to conclude an IIA stems from the Treaty or from the power that the European Parliament has in crucial fields such as the budget and is willing to use for this purpose. Success is, however, not guaranteed in every case, and is sometimes more symbolic than real. However, a democratic critique must also stress negative consequences of IIAs in terms of responsivity, accountability, and transparency.     

宗教:虚拟的终极和内在的天堂

对宗教本质的理解依赖于对人本质的理解，对宗教的深刻性理解不足和对待宗教的态度不恰当，都可能在误解宗教。宗教的“终极”与我们从经验上把握的“他”是不同的，终极从来不亲自露面，宗教的种种形式都是世俗的。宗教的世俗之身并没有让终极之身更快或更近真实地实现。相反它存在着种种遮蔽，为此要透过现象看本质。不同的宗教在其生存的文化传统中成长起来。宗教之间的“差别”只是其文化历史的差别，我们不能得出他们之间的高低和等级差别的结论。不同宗教所描绘的“天堂”是其文化史的符号，真正可通约的外在天堂是不存在的，人们只有藉某种爱和纯洁的生存体验到内在的天堂。     

绿色民生:政治科学视域的解读

绿色民生是经济发展—生态环境—民生需求之间的良性结合。它寻求财富分配与风险分配的协调,要求民生发展和公共开支的增长需以持续的经济发展为基础,但是经济发展又不能以生态环境恶化和牺牲后代人的生态福利为代价。在生态环境保护与经济发展的双重约束下,绿色导向的民生发展需要恰当的速度、过程与方式方法,需要人类社会反思自身所制造出来的生态环境风险及其分配,并由此奠定了绿色民生的政治学意蕴:它首先意味着公民权利的扩展,随之要求拓展政府的责任,通过将社会需求纳入自然需求、将后代人的需求纳入当代人的发展,应对现代国家治理所面临的政治合法性挑战,进而诉诸新的政策范式,推动国家治理体系的完善和政府治理能力的现代化。     

The Crisis of Power and the Political Opposition

A political opposition is gradually forming in the USSR and in other countries of Eastern Europe. New parties and political movements are emerging. Groups or factions are cropping up in parliaments. But the situation of political opposition in the countries that until just recently called themselves socialist has remained practically unstudied. This plays into the hands of conservative forces who by wont of habit consider oppositional activity to be antisocialist, antistate, or anti-Communist. The jargon of the period of the Cold War and the political logic associated with it are even encountered on the pages of the press, obstructing an understanding of the extreme complexity of contemporary political processes.     

论政治文明中的权力制约

政治文明体现了人的自由的实现和社会经济的发展,表现为人可以自主地对自己的信仰和行为作出自由选择。市场经济条件下的政治文明集中反映在对国家权力的监督制约,以遏制国家的集权专制对市场经济正常运行的干预和对日益要求自主的私人领域的干涉。近现代世界政治文明的主要特征是民主与法治,其基本制度功能就是对国家权力的监督制约。民主与法治不仅实现了对国家集权与专制的有效遏制,而且为国家能力的提升提供了坚实的合法性基础。     

行政权力的政治监督——以美国行政法为视角

探讨美国联邦政府不同部门对行政权力的政治制衡,主要包括议会、行政首长以及行政部门的自我监督。美国经验表明,政治监督是防止行政滥用权力的重要保障。事实上,有效的政治监督是行政法治的必要条件。     

心理学史视域中的斯金纳乌托邦思想——以《瓦尔登湖第二》为例

美国著名心理学家斯金纳受多种动因驱使,特别是为摆脱中年心理危机的困惑,在梭罗的《瓦尔登湖》、培根的《新亚特兰蒂斯》和莫尔的《乌托邦》中的传统乌托邦文学思想影响下,创作了世界畅销小说《瓦尔登湖第二》,旨在尝试着将其从动物实验中提出的行为主义的操作性条件作用原理运用于解决人类社会管理问题。全书以参观瓦尔登湖第二为主要线索,逐步深入展示了他的理想社会设计,表达了他对服饰、娱乐、用餐、工作、教育、家庭、医疗、美好生活、政治、宗教、自由等具体主题的看法。《瓦尔登湖第二》中的乌托邦思想,既激起了广泛实践尝试,也引发了深刻思想论争。     

一般法理学的“乌托邦”——述评《全球化与法律理论》

全球化对传统法理学体系结构的封闭、研究对象的狭隘和理论视角的片面提出了挑战。特瓦宁教授提出要复兴一般法理学,为描绘世界的总体法律图景提供适当的概念工具,为在更广阔的背景中审视法律现象选取有效的观察视角,为提炼和概括超越特殊法律文化的元语言(meta-language)探求实际可行的道路。尽管他的理论设计是完美的,却难以付诸法理学研究的实践。     

国际专利的乌托邦？

我们会习惯性地提及“国际专利制度”。我们不妨称其为“旧专利制度” ,因为它起源于《巴黎公约》 ,已经存在一个多世纪之久了。现在各国专利局在处理申请中面临的困难说明这一旧制度身处危机。我们应该动动脑筋 ,想一想 :如何利用互联网解决这一危机 ?【 1】　　 一、旧制度落伍了相对于技术的进步 ,旧的专利制度落伍了。人类从最初的通过反复排除错误寻找正确答案 ,转为在试验中积累知识。【 2】在现代社会中 ,应用科学使研究和开发产业化。【 3】然而 ,这一进程的发展也加速了专利的危机。日益增多的、日渐复杂的申请使专利局陷入泥淖。…     

论政治认同与中国共产党的"软权力"建设

政治认同是政治主体对政治体系的自觉接受和服从,是对政治统治客观事实的价值判断。执政党要维持国家的长治久安,保持自己统治的合法性,就必须获得公民的政治认同。而执政党若要获得公民的政治认同,不仅要有坚实的硬权力作基础,更要有强大的软权力作支撑。然而,目前,各种原因削弱了中国共产党的软权力,造成社会公众政治认同的下降。这种现象如果任其发展,将严重影响党执政地位的巩固和执政使命的实现。因而,中国共产党必须从意识形态、政治社会制度、执政方式等方面加强软权力建设,以提高公众的政治认同,巩固执政地位,实现执政使命,保持整个国家的繁荣与稳定。     

Paradise Lost...: The Meaning of Modernity and the Antinomy of the Law

This essay argues for the centrality of the study of paradoxes of particularity and universality in the interface between law and politics in modernity. Particularly, in order to understand the process of constitution of a political collective and the role of supernumerary elements that re-enter a constituted legal-political system. After introducing the question of paradoxes or antinomies in the relation between law and politics in modernity, the essay engages with current understandings of exceptionalism and the possibility of a leftist or ‘real’ suspension of the law. In order to do so, this essay makes full use of certain theoretical tools developed in anthropological accounts of political and legal processes, and current French-oriented and Latin American political philosophy.     

Pathways to Power: The Role of Preparliamentary Careers and Political Human Capital in the Obtainment of Cabinet Positions

Understanding the rise to power is central to the study of politics. Yet, we still know little about the career paths of influential politicians like ministers. The literature assumes that dominant preparliamentary occupations (e.g., lawyer, local offices) predict promotion. We move beyond this potential ecological fallacy and suggest a perspective that emphasizes the role of gatekeepers and political human capital like national political experience and education. We leverage complete career data of all Dutch MPs (N = 1,263; 1945–2012) and study their (N = 4,966) opportunities to obtain a cabinet position. A sequence analysis with fuzzy clustering reveals eight career paths in both the professional and political domain. A logistic regression analysis that uses these career paths as predictors shows that prominent occupations and communicative experience do not constitute the pathway to ministerial power; a university education and preparliamentary national political experience do. Findings support the value of political human-capital theory to understand political promotion.     

叙述的权力：先锋小说的政治美学阐释

先锋小说以非政治化为诉求的话语变革,是20世纪中国小说中的重要现象.在先锋小说的叙事话语之中隐含着政治话语,叙述艺术表现了特殊的政治美学.先锋小说对"意识流"的发现,揭示了一个政治无法彻底统治的内心世界的存在,颠覆了政治的理性统治.存在的探索和存在感的凸显,还原了现实政治的真相,表现了特别的政治精神.先锋小说的"卑微观点",则从"小"角度解构政治意识形态的"大话".叙事视点本身的显现,构成了小说叙事话语的自赎,是对叙事权力本身的反思和反叛.先锋叙事的政治智慧,也可以反观政治美学的深层结构.     

限制政治权力的途径分析——兼评宪政主义理论

限制政治权力是宪政主义的核心思想。文中对限权问题作出了静态、动态和深态三个层次的分析,强调实现限权的文化底蕴和经济基础。