Preemption in the Bush Doctrine: A Reappraisal

This article argues that the elevation of preemption to a cardinal status in the Bush Doctrine following September 11, 2001 resulted from a larger strategic consideration—to convince rogue states to discontinue their weapons of mass destruction programs and their sponsorship of terrorism. Dismantling the Saddam Hussein regime in Iraq as a demonstration of preemptive action was seen as necessary to ensure the forceful and credible conveyance of this message to other rogue states, especially Iran and North Korea. I call this strategic logic behind publicizing preemption, "demonstrative compellence." Because the logic of preemption in the Bush Doctrine relied heavily on the Iraq war and its demonstrative force, it has little relevance to the future conduct of U.S. foreign policy and should not be described as revolutionary.     

International Administration Between the Wars: A Reappraisal

This article traces the chronology of the interwar decline of European influence and power, arguing that its origins outside Europe are to be found as much in the paradoxical status of international administration of colonial and post-colonial areas as in the direct challenges posed to European stability by revisionist states in the early 1930s. It demonstrates that an inherent ambivalence toward the interwar colonial world and its relationship to Europe presaged and conditioned the collapse of Europe's own balance of power.     

Parties,Protest and Pluralism in Cambodia

In the 1990s, early post-Cold War optimism regarding the rapid spread of democracy in the South faded, as multiparty elections in new democracies were observed to exacerbate conflicts of identity rather than ameliorating the effects of conflicts of interest. Research in Cambodia suggests, however, that the promotion by political parties of identity-based conflict offers opportunities for individuals and groups to attempt to insert a more pragmatic interest-based agenda. Party activities also offer an exemplar for political advocacy and activism, which is useful to non-party interest groups and social movements. Cambodia's electoral experience further suggests that parties attempting to respond to such interest-based agendas may be rewarded by voters at the polls. Analytical focus upon the efforts of individuals and non-party movements to make use of the opportunities offered by political parties, rather than upon the mobilizational strategies and rhetorics of party leaders, offers a more optimistic prognosis for democracy in the third world.     

A Reappraisal of Classical Economic Nationalism and Economic Liberalism

The mischaracterization of the works of the early Economic Nationalists and early Economic Liberals has obscured both the variety within each school and the connections between them. Many scholars have written about misinterpretations of Adam Smith's ideas, but few have corrected similar misinterpretations of the ideas of the leading Economic Nationalists, Alexander Hamilton and Friedrich List. List and Hamilton have been falsely portrayed as mercantilistic advocates of autarky and unlimited protectionism. A comparison of their works with those of the leading early Liberals: Adam Smith, David Ricardo, and John Stuart Mill, indicates a more complex pattern. Hamilton's and List's ideas, ratherthan being the antithesis of Liberalism, are a synthesis of it and mercantilism. This reappraisal indicates that some of the more controversial aspects of Economic Nationalism, such as its promotion of autarky, are not an essential part of this school of thought.     

2008年的柬埔寨越发成熟与自信

2008年,柬埔寨人民党在第四届全国大选中获得压倒性胜利,赢得90个国会议席,这标志着人民党已经成为柬埔寨政坛的主导力量.在经济方面,柬埔寨在2008年一度保持快速发展的势头,外来投资在投资领域、规模和投资国方面出现重大变化,金融、房地产、能源、电信等逐渐成为投资项目的主体.但是国际金融危机的出现让柬埔寨面对严峻挑战.在外交方面,柬埔寨与中国等友好国家和国家集团的关系得到继续巩固和发展.柬美关系出现引人瞩目的新变化,柬埔寨试图通过对中美关系的平衡为中立外交政策打下更坚实的基础.今天人们看到的柬埔寨显得更加成熟与自信.     

A Problem Postponed: Britain and the Future of Austria-Hungary, 1914-18

Imperial security and the need to contain Germany drove British policy towards Austria-Hungary during the First World War more than its view of the Dual Monarchy itself, and shifts in the course of that policy reflected the changing fortunes of war. Given its strategic interests, Britain had less scope to sustain Austria as a great power than Paul W. Schroeder has argued. Those priorities also limited the role of specialists like R.W. Seton-Watson and Sir Lewis Namier to advising on the implementation of policies made by the war cabinet rather than shaping decisions themselves. Development of wartime policy towards Austria cast the priority Britain placed on Central and Eastern Europe into sharp relief, helping to explain trends in its approach to the region through the 1940s.     

A Lost Opportunity: A Reappraisal of the Kennedy Administration's China Policy in 1963

This article explores US policy towards China under President Kennedy. It focuses on 1963, when it is argued a major reappraisal took place under the auspices of State Department Officers Averell Harriman, Roger Hilsman and James Thomson. It concludes that a twin-track approach was developed which gave the President a greater degree of flexibility in his dealing with the PRC and laid the basis for the policy to be followed in a second term Kennedy administration. It also suggests that a close relationship existed between the Kennedy State Department and a group of policy academics that enabled this evaluation of China policy to take place.     

Britain and the Bonins: discovery,recovery and reclamation

In this article, I explore a little known aspect of British and Japanese history that began not long after Japan open its ports to the west in the middle of the nineteenth century. It is about negotiations between Japan and foreign powers over sovereign control of an island archipelago 1,000 kilometers southeast of Edo (Tokyo). The Ogasawara (Bonin) Islands were first visited by Japanese in the seventeenth century, declared British territory in 1827 and then reclaimed by Japan in 1876. The diplomatic discussions involved the British and US Consuls acting under instructions from their respective governments and negotiating with the highest levels of Japanese authority during both the Tokugawa and Meiji Periods. I argue that the islands were of little importance to either the governments of Britain or America and that the British authorities were more than willing to hand over sovereign control of the Bonin Islands to the Japanese as early as 1862. Indeed, by the mid-1870s, the British authorities in England were more concerned that the Japanese would not claim the islands and that Britain would be burdened with their responsibility. In arguing this, I provide a novel perspective of Japan's struggles with becoming a modern nation in an increasingly international setting.     

柬埔寨:2015年回顾与2016年展望

2015年,柬埔寨政治上政党斗争不断,人民党与救国党的磋商机制——“对话文化”模式失效,人民党仍稳控全局;经济发展成本上行压力增大,但尚可维持与2014年持平的经济增速;外交上继续开展积极有效的活动,以争取更多的外部支持.2016年是人民党的关键年,开展党内改革、领导政府出台更为务实与亲民的政策,是人民党要努力的方向.     

柬埔寨:2016年回顾与2017年展望

2016年的柬埔寨,虽然国内政治斗争激烈,但经济发展平稳,外交工作卓有成效.2017年是柬埔寨大选的关键年,民心争夺战将成为该年度的重头戏.     

柬埔寨:2017年回顾与2018年展望

关注民生建设、脱离低收入国家行列、解散救国党是2017年柬埔寨国内发生的几件大事.随着第六届柬埔寨全国大选的到来,为确保本届大选的顺利举行,保证国内稳定、经济发展成为柬埔寨人民党2018年工作的首要目标,其他各项工作也将主要围绕这个目标来开展.虽然柬埔寨国内政党斗争激烈,但这并未影响外界对其经济上行能力的信心.     

柬埔寨:2011～2012年回顾与展望

本文对2011年的柬埔寨经济、政治及外交形势进行回顾与分析;并对2012年柬埔寨经济及政治发展前景进行预测.     

柬埔寨：2006-2007年回顾与展望

2006年,柬埔寨政治、经济和外交等领域都取得新的进展,柬埔寨进入政治稳定,经济发展,国际环境更加有利的最好时期。     

柬埔寨：2012～2013年回顾与展望

本文对2012年柬埔寨政治、经济及外交形势进行回顾,对2013年柬埔寨经济及政治发展前景进行展望。     

Britain and Japan: Long-Range Images, 1900-52

The Anglo-Japanese Alliance signed in 1902 was revised substantially in 1905 and 1911. It survived the First World War and did not lapse until 1923. For two decades, it enabled Britain to withdraw its navy from East Asia, leaving its commercial interests to the protection of Japan. Meanwhile it enabled Japan to expand its influence in Korea and China. There was not an immediate breach of the alliance, but interests clashed in China in the difficult world of economic collapse in the 1930s. When they failed to come to an accommodation, Japan declared war on Britain in 1941. After the war, Britain shared with the United States the task of policing the military occupation of Japan. But when that occupation came to an end in 1952 during the anxious days of the Korean war, the vast majority of Japanese believed that their country's future rested with Washington.