Nietzsche, Historiography and Yugoslav Nationalism

In The Use and Abuse of History Friedrich Nietzsche warned of the dangers of separating history from the irrationality of nature and establishing it as a science. Increasingly individualised, spiritually adrift and soulless, Man, he suggests, will become a prisoner of an excess of history imposed upon, and external to, life itself. This article will argue that contained within Nietzsche's polemic, particularly his elaboration of an alternative effective methodology, is a useful framework for the analysis of historiography's construction of the past. The development of nationalist mythologies within the politics of the former Yugoslavia is then discussed in light of this interpretation of Nietzsche's position.     

网络空间草根政治运动及其公共治理

网络空间草根政治运动是草根力量以维护其利益为目的,运用网络技术组织的抗争性集体行动。草根政治运动在网络空间兴起是社会转型时期贫富分化的结果,也是网络时代权力重新分配的结果。它的表现形式主要有网络政治动员、网络舆论批评监督、网络政治参与,它有利于国家-市场-社会关系的优化,也有利于国家治理的发展,同时也可能给政治秩序稳定带来极大的难题。因此,对网络空间草根政治治理必须坚持整体性治理原则,引导与规制并举,现实政治与虚拟空间治理并重,使网络空间草根政治运动成为社会主义民主政治的重要建设性力量而非颠覆性力量。     

网络空间政治安全的国家责任与国家治理

在国家治理现代化进程中,网络空间政治安全治理是主权国家必须担负的政治责任和时代使命,也是必须履行的政治义务,它体现着主权国家的现代治理能力。事实上,在网络化、信息化、技术化和全球化时代,网络空间国家政治安全已经发生了很多不同于物理时空环境中的变化。这是建构网络空间政治安全观以及国家治理责任的根本前提。在此前提下,网络空间政治安全观以及国家治理责任的建构,还需要以网络空间中技术环境、政治权力与政治权利的结构与配置、各政治主体的利益诉求与表达以及心理认知等为核心要素。因此,网络空间政治安全的国家治理应从两个方面进行:即在物理层面上,国家对于网络和通讯通信基础设施的保障和创新;在治理层面上,国家应从网络空间政治安全的制度化能力、控制能力和控制智慧、国家认同与国家合法性以及治理体系建构能力等方面理性、科学、协同地维护和捍卫网络空间政治安全。     

论网络空间治理体系与治理能力的现代性制度供给

在当代技术背景下,网络空间治理体系与治理能力现代化建设应该理性选择由现代性与技术二者相互建构而形成的现代性制度供给的路径。在理性选择制度主义路径的理论前提下,网络空间治理体系与治理能力现代性制度供给的逻辑在于遵循由网络空间的开放性、公共性与虚拟现实性共融共生的合规律性,而其所发挥的功能体现在社会动员与政治整合、利益分配以及维持政治和社会秩序稳定等方面。为此,应该科学定位网络空间治理体系与治理能力现代性制度供给的实践:就其过程而言,应不断提升网络空间治理体系与治理能力现代性制度供给的意愿和能力,并努力克服制度供给的滞后性和偏差性;就其供给质量而言,应努力将外在的制度约束转化为人们的内心服从和行动自觉;就其实际操作而言,应力求协调并平衡强制性制度供给与自发性制度供给、特定制度供给和散布性制度供给以及正式制度供给与非正式制度供给之间的关系,确保各类型的制度供给能够相宜相生、相辅相成、相得益彰,以增强制度的效能与效用。     

习近平关于网络空间治理重要论述的政治维度探析

新世纪以来,由于互联网技术的迅猛发展,人类社会的发展由制度型向技术型迈进,这对人类的政治生活与国家治理来说,既是机遇也是挑战。习近平总书记关于网络空间治理重要论述立足世界互联网发展的主流趋势和中国互联网发展的突出问题,基于政治维度围绕"以人民为中心"、执政能力、意识形态、国家治理现代化、维护国家安全,提出了诸多新思想新观点新论断。探析习近平总书记关于网络空间治理重要论述的政治维度,对于全面理解和正确把握习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想具有重要意义和时代价值。     

中国现代史学发展史上的重要篇章——正确评价建国后十七年史学成就

认真辨析和总结建国后十七年史学成就,不仅关系到正确认识中国现代史学发展的道路,澄清人们存在的严重误解,而且关系到认清当前史学发展的方向。本文试从通史、断代史、专史研究的成就,对重大历史问题认识的推进,整理出版大型历史文献的巨大成绩,学科建设取得的显著进展等四个方面进行初步的总结。     

清除官场不良潜规则推进反腐倡廉建设

清除官场不良潜规则是深入推进反腐倡廉建设的必然要求和应有之义。官场不良潜规则干扰并影响反腐倡廉建设,它在一定程度上加大了反腐败斗争的难度,使得干部廉洁自律的各项规定不能真正落到实处,阻碍了建设廉价政府目标的实现。清除官场不良潜规则,推进反腐倡廉建设,必须坚持贯彻落实依法治国基本方略不放松。建设法治政府,积极推进廉政文化建设,必须建立真正意义上的现代官僚制,切实维护和增强制度权威性,完善权力监督体系,提高政务公开透明度,加强公务员的伦理建设。     

Intervention at Risk: The Vicious Cycle of Distance and Danger in Mali and Afghanistan

In crisis-hit countries, intensive risk management increasingly characterizes the presence of international interveners, with measures ranging from fortified compounds to ‘remote programming’. This article investigates the global drive for ‘security’ from an ethnographic perspective, focusing on Afghanistan and Mali. By deploying the concepts of distance and proximity, the article shows how frontline ‘outsourcing’ and bunkering have generated an unequal ‘risk economy’ while distancing interveners from local society in a trend that itself generates novel risks. To conclude, the article asks whether alternative forms of proximity may help to break the vicious cycle of danger and distance at work in today’s crisis zones.     

论网络空间政治安全风险的构成及其韧性治理

伴随信息技术的不断发展与更新迭代,网络空间日益成为人类政治活动的重要场域,网络空间政治安全也面临前所未有的挑战与风险。网络空间政治安全风险主要包括网络空间意识形态渗透的风险、网络空间关键基础设施入侵的风险、网络空间政治认同弱化的风险和网络空间政治参与无序的风险。应从技术韧性、组织韧性、制度韧性、文化韧性四个维度构建网络空间政治安全风险韧性治理体系,运用先进技术提升网络空间政治安全风险的精准治理能力,强化不同组织间网络空间政治安全风险协同治理能力,构建多元主体相互联动的网络空间政治安全风险治理体制机制,增强网络空间主流意识形态的文化引领作用。     

Metaphor, Intertextuality, and the Post–War Consensus

The idea of a once 'postwar consensus', between the Labour and Conservative parties, has become a commonplace in the academic literature of British political science. Here, I intend to briefly consider two aspects of this. I want to look at how the phrase 'postwar consensus' is used in a rather loose and indeterminate metaphorical fashion; and how the idea remains something of an intertextual construct rather than being a more fully developed social scientific argument. The simple moral or lesson being that social scientists require to be highly circumspect with regard to the subsumption of broad extents of time and/or space under some all-embracing catch-all label or designation.     

Deleuze and literature: Metaphor and indirect discourse

This paper deals primarily with Deleuze's work on literature? but also looks briefly at related ideas in the books on cinema. Deleuze has often concentrated on what he calls ‘American‘ literature, particularly in Critique and clinlque. The first part of the paper seeks to outline some of the main elements of this particular literary field for Deleuze. The paper then goes on to show how the general rejection of metaphor that informs Deleuze's work on literature can be more precisely defined as a theory of free indirect discourse. The concept of free indirect discourse is? as Frangois Zourabichvili has shown, at the heart of Deleuze's work? aesthetic or otherwise. For example, the idea of the percept functions as an aesthetic application of free indirect discourse, and Cinema 1 and Cinema 2 suggest that this form of enunciation represents a new aesthetic cogito to which cinema is ideally suited.     

A Strange Drift to the Right: The Civic Historiography of Michael Sandel

Michael Sandel's Democracy's Discontent strives to contribute to the project of "democratic theory," which aims to bring people together across ideological differences. Sandel wants to revitalize citizenship by uniting religious conservatives and those committed to a more just political economy through an appeal to the American tradition of civic republicanism. However, his project is fundamentally incoherent. First, Sandel's narrative conflates the republican and religious aspects of the American founding, ignoring the fact that civic republican political theory actually developed in direct opposition to the ideal of a Christian polity. Second, his version of civic republicanism deviates from the historic tradition in a way that renders it much more conservative than it actually was and might still be. Third, his reading of American history consistently highlights conservative themes. Consequently, Sandel ultimately undercuts the progressive aspects of his own vision, detracting from rather than contributing to the transideological aspirations of "democratic theory."     

数十载融会贯通 曾几番启路辟航——周一良先生对魏晋南北朝史学的研究

从探讨魏收之史学、崔浩国史案,至20世纪80年代对魏晋南北朝史学发展特点的把握、南北朝史学异同的分析,周一良先生对魏晋南北朝史学的研究经历了由个案式向全面考察的融会贯通历程,体现了他立足史料、实事求是,视野开阔、气度恢宏,条理清晰、论证严密和勇于探索、开拓创新的治学特点;其相关成果多有突破前人之处,反映了他循风气之先的卓越史识,有启迪后学、开辟蹊径之功。     

人类命运共同体思想视域下网络空间治理研究

运用人类命运共同体思想来解决全球面临的网络空间治理难题,不仅基于世界各国面临网络空间治理困境的现实,也是对马克思主义真正共同体的继承与发展。它摒弃了以往的冷战思维和强权政治等对话模式,倡导国与国之间采取互商互谅、共建共享、开放包容的对话方式,来解决世界各国面临的网络空间治理难题,是新型的全球网络治理理论,这为当今世界网络空间治理提供良好的范式,也为其他方面治理困境提供最佳解决方案。     

Han Rongbin,Contesting Cyberspace in China: Online Expression and Authoritarian Resilience

Journal of Chinese Political Science -