Libya's foreign policy in flux

This article provides a brief assessment of Libya’s oftenunpredictable foreign policy with regard to Africa. The firstsection presents a brief historical background to Libya’sinvolvement on the African continent and Colonel Gaddafi’smilitary interventionism in Africa. The next section assessesthe 1990s and Muammar Gaddafi’s popularity during thisperiod as well as his often extravagant economic involvementin Africa. The third section considers Gaddafi’s ambitiousrole in the African Union and his efforts to secure a unitedAfrica. The fourth section assesses Gaddafi’s dramaticforeign policy shift from rogue criminal to responsible statesman,following his historic decision to relinquish his country’sweapons of mass destruction (WMD) and an almost enthusiasticwillingness to welcome the West back after decades of antagonismand the subsequent wave of international praise as a consequence.Finally, it gives a brief assessment of the future of Libya’sforeign relations.     

Environmental protection in Chinese foreign policy

The environmental aspect of Chinese foreign policy has been neglected in the study of Chinese foreign relations. Yet it has become increasingly important since the late 1980s. Beijing’s increased interest in environmental diplomacy is closely linked with its security, economic, environmental and foreign policy interests. Recognizing the seriousness of its deteriorating domestic environment, the growing international attention on the ecological threats, and the need to improve China’s image and international status, Beijing has begun to pay special attention to environmental diplomacy. Yet China’s priority of economic development, its limited resources, its concerns about sovereign infringement, and trade barriers determine the features of China’s practice in this area.     

Azerbaijan and its foreign policy dilemma

Nazrin Mehdiyeva is a PhD research student in International Relations in St Antony's College, Oxford.     

Trends in North Korean foreign policy

North Korea’s foreign policy track record in the post-cold war era is mixed. Most notable setbacks are the diplomatic normalization between the Soviet Union (now Russia) and South Korea; the reversal of its UN policy that paved the way for the simultaneous admission of the two Korean states to the world organization; and the diplomatic normalization between China and South Korea. On the credit side of Pyongyang’s diplomatic ledger are changes in its relations with Tokyo and Washington. While tangible results have yet to materialize, particularly in North Korea-Japan relations, the groundwork has nonetheless been laid for significant improvement. North Korea’s suspected nuclear weapons development program has played a major role in the unfolding of its relations with the United States. Conceptually, North Korean foreign policy can be explained in terms of its quest for three interrelated goals: security, legitimacy, and development. In the post-cold war era security appears to have emerged as the most important of the three goals. North Korea is at a crossroads. The choices it makes in foreign policy will determine not only the direction of its domestic policy but, ultimately, the survival of the regime itself. The external players in Seoul, Washington, Tokyo, Beijing, Moscow, and Vienna (the IAEA) have varying degrees of leverage over Pyongyang’s policy as well.     

Parliament and foreign policy 1739–1763

Summary

An assessment of the influence of Parliament in a crucial period for the development of British foreign policy. Aside from its formal role, Parliament had an important indirect influence. Parliament was frequently cited in contemporary discussion of foreign policy, whether by ministers stressing the need to settle matters before the session, British diplomats concerned about the detrimental consequences for their government's image of parliamentary contention, or foreign diplomats seeking to assess the stability and intentions of the British Ministry. Parliament's role can only be understood in the context of British foreign policy and of other domestic political struggles, especially those within the Ministry. The parliamentary history of the period and the nature of the eighteenth‐century British state in general can be better understood through offering such an assessment.     

The debate over south Africa's foreign policy

South Africa is no exception to the rule that there tends to be continuity in a state's foreign policy even in the event of far‐reaching domestic political change. But given the new South Africa's debt to a global human rights campaign, the emphasis on ‘staking out the moral high ground’ in the rhetoric of the country's new decision‐makers and of commentators is not surprising. The article discusses the creative tension between the claims of morality and the constraints of realpolitik in the debate on the formulation of the new South Africa's foreign policy. It identifies both differences and overlaps in the approaches of realists and radicals to the conduct of the country's foreign policy.     

Chinese foreign policy and American social science

Abstract

Karl Marx and Mao Tse-tung, C. Wright Mills, Barrington Moore, Jr. and Fei Hsiao-t'ung also described themselves as social scientists. Thus when Boardman contrasts radical scholarship with authentic social science he is merely using a debater's tactic, using a label to place his adversaries at a rhetorical disadvantage, trying to monopolize the term science for only his outlook on events.     

Works in Russian on Ottoman foreign relations

O.V. Pavlochyenko's Rossiya i Syerbiya, 1888–1903: diplomatichyeskiye otnoshyeniya, obshchyestvyenniye svyazi, Russia and Serbia, 1888–1903: Diplomatic Relations, Social Ties (Kiev: Naukova Dumka for the Institute of History in the Academy of Sciences of the Ukraine, 1987; 131 pp.).

V.N. Vinogradov, entitled Myedzhdunarodniye otnoshyeniya na Balkanakh, 1856–1878 gg.,

International Relations in the Balkans, 1856–1878 (Moscow: Nauka Press for the Institute of Slavonic and Balkan Studies in the Academy of Sciences of the Soviet Union, 1986:416 pp., 1 map),

Yu. A. Pisaryev's Vyelikiye dyerdzhavi i Balkani nakanunye pyervoy mirovoy voyni, The Great Powers and the Balkans on the Eve of the First World War (Moscow: Nauka Press for the Institute of Slavonic and Balkan Studies in the Academy of Sciences of the Soviet Union, 1985; 286 pp.).

Osmanskaya Impyeriya i strani Tsyentral'noy, Vostochnoy i Yugo‐Vostochnoy Yevropi v XV‐XVI vv.: Glavniye tyendyentsii politichyeskikh vzaimootnoshyeniy, The Ottoman Empire and the Countries of Central, Eastern, and Southeastern Europe in the 15th and 16th Centuries: The Main Trends of Mutual Political Relations (Moscow: Nauka Press for the Institute of Slavonic and Balkan Studies in the Academy of Sciences of the Soviet Union, 1984; 302 pp.).

V.I. Shyeryemyet's Osmanskaya Impyeriya i Zapadnaya Yevropa: vtoraya tryet’ XIX v., The Ottoman Empire and Western Europe: Second Third of the Nineteenth Century (Moscow: Nauka Press for the Institute of Oriental Studies in the Academy of Sciences of the Soviet Union, 1986; 311 pp.).

Angliya, Rossiya i Tanzimat (vtoraya chyetvyert’ XIX v.), England, Russia and the Tanzimat (Second Quarter of the Nineteenth Century) (Moscow: Nauka Press, 1983; 184 pp.).

V.A. Zolotaryev, entitled Rossiya i Turtsiya: voyna 1877–1878 g., Russia and Turkey: The 1877–1878 War (Moscow: Nauka Press, 1983; 232 pp.).     

Japanese foreign policy: Inaction and reaction

Japan's tendency to simply react to international trends rather than to formulate its own policies is as prevalent today as during the Meiji period when the country was trying to catch up to the West, says Gerald Curtis, professor of political science at Columbia University. When international trends are murky, such as before World War II, this tendency can easily lead to disaster, Curtis says. Japan must break with the past and define its international role in the post‐Cold War era, Curtis argues, but the public debate required to achieve this is unlikely until Japan's domestic politics become more sharply defined.     

Change and continuity in post-unification German foreign policy

Ten years after unification, Germany still maintains its post-Second World War foreign policy course based on transatlantic multilateralism and European integration despite changes in Germany's international and domestic contexts. This study argues that neither realist nor institutionalist explanations can explain the post-unification pattern of German foreign policy. Instead, continuity and change in this policy can be understood best through a role-theoretical approach based on the civilian power idealtype. Two causal pathways are developed which account for continuity in foreign policy orientation (goals) and strategies while explaining change in the choice of foreign policy instruments. First, the apparent success of Germany's traditional foreign policy role concept during and after unification helped to reify a broad foreign policy consensus around the goals and strategies of an ideal-type civilian power. Second, major foreign policy crises, such as the Yugoslavian wars, stirred the long held hierarchy between the core values of reticence vis-à-vis the use of force (never again German militarism) and the special German responsibility to prevent genocide (never again Auschwitz). The interaction between domestic and foreign expectations provides a promising source for explaining change and continuity in Germany's foreign policy role concept and behaviour.     

Evolution of subnational foreign economic relations in Nigeria

ABSTRACT

In the current dispensation of civilian rule in Nigeria (1999–present), her subnational governments (SNGs) have increasingly been engaging in economic activities which impact on how Nigeria conducts her international economic interactions. This emerging trend is at variance with the existing legal provisions under the 1999 Nigerian Constitution, which preclude SNGs from this policy space. This article examines the evolution of the constitutional framework for SNG involvement in Nigeria’s foreign economic relations since independence. It is the argument in this article that the exclusion of SNGs from foreign affairs under the 1999 Constitution is a departure from the original configuration at independence. It is further argued that the recent episodes of SNG involvement in international economic activities are occurring despite the constitutional restrictions owing to external factors such as globalisation and internal factors such the growing need among SNGs to find alternative ways to fund their economic development objectives.     

The strategic depth doctrine of Turkish foreign policy

Turkey's heavy involvement in Middle Eastern politics following the end of the Cold War eroded its Western image in the eyes of most Europeans and strengthened the hands of those who have traditionally argued against Turkey's EU membership by referring to the unbridgeable inherent differences between the parties in terms of cultural, historical, religious, and geographical considerations.     

German foreign policy and transatlantic relations since unification

Looking at German foreign policy and transatlantic relations since unification, this article argues that fundamental views and principles about Germany's role in Europe and the world have endured. The integrationist impulse remains strong. As shown by Kosovo, Germans have put this multilateralism above qualms about the use of military force. This has also left Berlin and Washington continuing to share many objectives, not only traditional ones about power and peace in Europe, but also on a whole host of challenges that have come with globalisation, both in the wider world and in the multiplicity of commercial and civil relationships across the Atlantic.     

Direct foreign investment and the Yellow Sea Rim

The article investigates the possibility and problems of direct foreign investment (DFI) in the Yellow Sea Rim. After reviewing the global trends in DFI and major policy issues, the article discusses the perspectives of DFI in the region. It examines the markets for the products made by foreign subsidiaries and joint ventures as well as relocation of industries from South Korea and Japan. By reviewing Japanese experience in operating joint ventures and subsidiaries in China, the article discusses difficulty in managing subsidiaries in the centrally planned economy. A probable consequence of increased DFI will be an expansion of emigration of Chinese citizens to Korea and Japan.     

South Korea's search for an independent foreign policy

South Korea's independent foreign policy should be understood as a growing self-reliant attitude in the process of managing foreign affairs, and not as a strict policy target that must be achieved within a single term of a specific government. In theory, an instrumental approach, rather than an ideological adherence, toward the alliance system with the US is relevant for South Korea. Most importantly of all, the Korean dream of independent foreign policy will be hard to realize until Koreans abandon the dependent mind-set in terms of national security and foreign policy.