Foreign minister's budget vote address

This article examines the evolution of the responsibility to protect (R2P) norm through the institutional frameworks of the African Union and the United Nations. The investigation aligns itself with recent constructivist thinking around norm evolution and contestation which holds that diverging interpretations around norms facilitate not only norm contestation, but ultimately norm acceptance. In this case different ‘meanings-in-use’ of R2P within and across both organisations reinforce the contested nature of R2P. This becomes most apparent in the prevailing confusion around the affiliated concept of the protection of civilians, which is not effectively delineated from R2P. Nevertheless R2P is found to be widely acknowledged within both organisations.     

Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power,Prosperity and Poverty

This study addresses compliance and business practices at the local level subsequent to the international adoption of the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme by states and the adoption of the voluntary System of Warranties by the diamond industry. This paper also explores the distance between norm creation, norm sustainability and norm expansion. Interests of various stakeholders led to the creation of international norms, and evidence supports widespread compliance at the state level. Data gathered at the local level of retailer suggests, however, that the regulatory system is not leading to the education of consumers that potentially transforms beliefs. Central to understanding the challenge of deepening and broadening new global norms is exploring the distance between compliance within the regulatory regime and the awareness or change of beliefs of stakeholders. Recommendations include steps to make the process of bringing diamonds to market transparent and available to public scrutiny.     

Fuel for thought? South Africa's position on the multilateralisation of the nuclear fuel cycle

The proponents of international nuclear fuel banks maintain that these banks will contribute to nuclear non-proliferation, whereas those opposing it maintain that nuclear weapon states support these banks in order to control and multilateralise the nuclear fuel cycle, thus preventing developing states from developing nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. Global inequalities pertaining to nuclear energy continue to persist despite developing states’ efforts to reform the international nuclear energy regime. Moreover, some developing states maintain that these nuclear fuel banks perpetuate inequality in international relations. This is one of the reasons why some leading developing states, such as Brazil and South Africa, oppose these banks. South Africa, for example, intends to re-establish its nuclear fuel cycle and has declared uranium a strategic resource. Against the aforesaid, this article, following a constructivist approach, analyses the emergence and social construction of nuclear fuel banks as a practical expression of nuclear non-proliferation norms. The discussion also considers the inter-subjective understanding of these banks, as well as South Africa’s opposition to them. The article concludes with an analysis of the implications of these opposing views for global equity, equality, nuclear non-proliferation and the peaceful uses of nuclear energy.     

Blurring the line between licit and illicit: transnational corruption networks in Central Asia and beyond

The anti-corruption norm in both scholarship and the policy world has too narrowly focused on the domestic and institutional context of bribe-taking and public corruption. Instead, we argue that corruption in the contemporary global economy requires a multiple set of connected transactions, processes, and relationships that take place within informal transnational networks that blur the line between illegal and legal activities. These networks include multinational companies, elites in host countries, offshore financial vehicles and conduits, middlemen and brokers, and destination financial institutions. We examine how these actors operate in Central Asia, a region that is widely identified as corrupt, yet is rarely understood as embedded in the types of global processes, offshore connections and transnational links specified in our analysis. Examples of offshore centers in tax planning from Central Asia, and partial results from a field experiment based on impersonating high corruption risks from four Central Asian states, provide evidence for how the various actors in transnational financial networks structure their dealings. We then present two brief illustrative cases of how these transnational networks have operated in energy explorations services in Kazakhstan and telecommunications contracts in Uzbekistan. Our findings have theoretical, practical, and normative implications for scholars and practitioners of Central Asian international political economy and other ‘high risk' regions.     

MYANMAR’S ‘ROHINGYA’ CONFLICT: MISCONCEPTIONS AND COMPLEXITY

Myanmar’s Rohingya conflict is arguably the most sensitive and complex issue facing the country, both in terms of the extent of physical and social destruction, and the impact on Myanmar’s domestic reform and international standing. The scale of human suffering is mind-numbing, the reactions of Aung San Suu Kyi and the Myanmar authorities baffling. However, too much international commentary is reductionist, flattening multiparty and multifaceted sociopolitical dynamics into a simple narrative, which is detrimental to understanding and responding to the conflict. This paper attempts to make sense of some of this complexity, firstly by addressing several common misperceptions of the conflict, then analysing it from a variety of theoretical perspectives. The first misconception is that this conflict is not new, but significant antecedents date back at to at least World War II, if not before. The second is that this conflict is not merely about state oppression of a despised and vulnerable ethno-religious minority, but rather a multipolar conflict with conflict and violence, driven by mutual existential fears and deeply historical grievances on all sides, by at least three key actors. This multipolarity needs to be better understood but outsiders seeking resolution of the conflict. And finally, the third is that this conflict is not primarily about the denial of citizenship and statelessness of the Muslims, as significant as this is, but about definition of the political community in Myanmar and the politics of inclusion/exclusion in governance. Framing this as an ‘intractable conflict’, this paper then examines the drivers of conflict from the perspective of an ethnic security dilemma, a double minority complex, and the political economy, arriving at conclusions about the nature of the conflict and sounding a final warning about a potential moral hazard arising from the way international support is framed and offered.     

Nationale und globale Ungleichheit

The impact of globalization on the structure of social inequality is controversial discussed in actual debates. The national focused research is challenged by globalists. The article concentrates on the problem of order and shows how this is solved by the national structures of social inequality. In the next step the reasons for and against the national solution are presented. Finally the possibility of transnational constituting structures of social inequality is examined. How probable is the structuration of global inequality if basic elements of order are missing on this level?     

Citizens,bribery and the propensity to protest

It is widely assumed that the more one experiences corruption the more likely one is to want to protest about it. Yet empirical evidence illustrating this is thin on the ground. This paper fills that gap by focusing on the extent to which self-reported experience of bribery affects the willingness to engage in protests against corruption in Africa. We find that the more one experiences bribery the more one is likely to support anti-corruption protests. A further unexpected finding is that the personal experience of corruption also increases the willingness to rely on bribes to solve public administration problems.     

Do Multicultural Democracies Really Require PR? Counterevidence from Switzerland

Central to consociational (or power‐sharing) theory is the claim that multicultural societies require electoral systems based on proportional representation (PR) in order to ensure a fair representation of the various cultural groups in parliament. In this context, Switzerland is often cited as a “PR country”, as well as the key example of successful consociationalism. This article argues that, in this respect, the Swiss experience does not support consociational theory as far as the representation of linguistic groups is concerned. The counterevidence is found by exploring the variety of Swiss electoral systems, both at the national level and in the four multilingual cantons. The article suggests that territoriality (i.e. definition of electoral districts) is the key variable for ensuring linguistic proportionality in parliament. When this is not possible, as is the case in some elections in the multilingual cantons, majoritarian systems sometimes do a better job than PR.     

对谈:日本哲学的成立、意义与展望

前近代日本究竟有无哲学,日本哲学的合法性依据究竟何在?关于日本有无哲学的讨论意义何在?这是中日哲学研究者近年来热议的课题。本文作者认为,关于日本是否有哲学的判断基准在于如何理解"何谓哲学"的问题。无论从狭义的哲学,还是广义的哲学理解来看,日本都有哲学。概而言之,它大体包含以下3个层面的内容:其一,自古以来日本人的价值观、自然观、宇宙观、人生观等,即日本人关于自然与人的深层性思考;其二,引进西方哲学后关于西方哲学的研究成果;其三,在与西方哲学对决(对话)的过程中,日本学者独自的哲学创造。但是,在思考日本哲学问题时要注意"思想"与"哲学"的区别,以免泛哲学化。思想只是"臆见"、主观的、想当然的,但不是哲学思维;哲学必须是建立在"逻格斯(Logos)"基础之上,努力追求抵达客观性依据的学说。     

殷熙耕与曹文轩成长小说比较研究——以叙述策略为中心

本文旨在研究使用叙述策略解释韩国作家殷熙耕和中国作家曹文轩的成长小说。成长小说是讲述任务成长过程的小说,是描写主人公在其所处时代的文化和人文环境中从幼年期迈向青年期的自我发现和精神方面不断成长的过程的小说类型。两位作者的成长小说的区别如下：首先,曹文轩是以当时的社会和政治背景下以事件为主进行叙述的,而殷熙耕更重视以成长主体的心理变化和发展过程为基础进行的叙述。曹文轩具有以讲述为主的现实主义倾向,而殷熙耕具有以展示为主的现代主义倾向。其次,叙述者的位相是构成成长小说叙述策略的重要部分。掌握成长全过程的叙述者的视线会在运用“叙述性过去”的过程中,在小说文本和读者之间的相互作用方面占据绝对位置。再次,《辞格》中所说的“距离”适用于成长小说中的“叙述者一主人公”之间。以心理描写为主进行叙述的殷熙耕成长小说的“距离”较近,借用客观叙述策略的曹文轩小说的“距离”较远。     

纪律性党规的外在规范性:标准与法典化

党性视角的党员标准可以被看作是富勒所说的“愿望的道德”,是理想的、抽象的和观念的标准。党纪视角的党员标准则是“义务的道德”,它是现实的、具体的和行动的。从党性标准到党纪标准显然符合伦理学演化的逻辑,即“从德性伦理到规范伦理”,表明了党内治理归根结底还是人的治理。党纪作为一个标准,直接指向有效果的党内治理秩序,它是后果主义的和规范主义的。“法典化”是纪律性党规外在规范性的最高表现形式,它表明超大国家的超大政党的规范化建设逐渐迈向刚性法治所需的“法律性”,也表征着党纪发展到理性化、体系化和综合化的阶段。     

东北亚文明的创造性起源与发展性保存——以中国和韩国的宗教思想和礼仪为中心(上)

中国将自身的固有思想和印度思想融合后,产生了禅宗和新儒学两种创造性的宗教思想。韩国狂热地接受了这两种思想。不过有趣的是,这两种思想的痕迹在中国人的日常生活中已经难觅踪迹,而在韩国人的日常生活中却能够轻易找到。可以说在理论和实践方面依然保存着这两种思想的国家大概在全世界也只有韩国了。例如,现在韩国的僧侣还在沿用中国唐朝时僧侣背诵的礼法文,普通韩国人举行婚礼、葬礼和祭祀时依然遵循中国的朱子家礼。与此形成对照的是,现在在中国人身上已经很难找到这些旧习俗的痕迹了。     

池田大作以人为本教育思想探析

池田大作是日本著名的现代教育家,他的教育思想内容十分丰富,且充分体现出以人为本的精神实质。他认为,教育是关于＂人＂的事业,教育的目的是对人生意义的追求,是为了使人获得幸福,为了世界和平。教育不仅要传授知识,更要启迪智慧、健全人格、感化心灵、培养情感,促进人的全面自由的发展。因此,教育必须坚持以人为本,坚持以学生为主体,以教师为主导,构建学校、家庭和社会三位一体的教育体系,充分发挥教师在教育中的作用,尊重学生,因材施教,通过以心对心的教育方法,以培养能够承担下一时代重任的人。     

东盟的文化特征意识 --东盟意识与东盟的发展(Ⅰ)

东盟的文化特征意识是东盟意识的一个重要组成部分,它集中体现为东盟的组织特点和决策风格,即"东盟方式".东盟方式强调组织方式和决策的非正式性、非对抗性和协商一致精神,这种意识来源于印尼爪哇农村的决策传统,成型于东盟成员国之间的行为互动,强化于东盟对柬埔寨问题的不懈努力.     

The politics of being a human being in Soweto: Identity as a social capital ‘Everything not forbidden is compulsory’ (T.H. White)

In this paper, the concept of social capital is redefined in the context of identity politics within contemporary South Africa. A case is made against the fetishism of identity dogmas that thrive upon closed historicity. Any narrative of subjective formation that is beckoned upon closed historicity is a predisposition towards identity ‘commoditisation’. As the term suggests, commoditisation implies that human subjectivity is ‘wholly’ dependent and measured ‘only’ through the compass of social capital. Commoditisation of identity means that human subjectivity is no longer transcendental but an object of possession – I am what I have or where I come from. This fixation on subjective acquisition and ‘possesivisms’ as an ethno-subjective repertoire for our overall subjective formation is identity fundamentalism. Although the notion of social capital in South Africa's context is a residue of South Africa's history of racialist capitalism, its present pervasiveness has generated a peculiar pattern of identity fundamentalism in which competition over economic resources has become construed as a threat to subjectivity. A reflexive understanding of this problem induces awareness for a healthy humanism.     

日本家族政治的现状及成因分析

20世纪60年代后，家族政治开始在日本政坛出现，人们对日本家族政治开始关注起来。1955年自民党成立，之后的38年间日本政坛大致经历了4代家族政治人物。在现任议员中“世袭议员”占了40％，在发达国家中这个比例是最高的。日本家族政治的形式在归纳起来大致为3大类：一是随同父兄进入国会、二是长期的工作上形成的信任关系、三是门生与老师的关系，当然家族政治也是按照一定原则形成起来的，其形成是日本传统的家族制度，选举制度、派阀政治以及后援会的存在共同影响的结果。     

日本防卫政策的调整及其评价

首先通过防卫计划大纲的修改概括分析了日本新防卫政策调整的五个特点,即重点防范对象由俄罗斯转向中国,防卫理念由静态转向动态,军事部署的重心由北方转向南方,安保合作方式由双边转向多边,武器输出限制由严格转向宽松。然后,对这种调整的背景进行分析,认为防卫政策的调整是日本防卫力渐增过程的必然结果,是日本对中国崛起的具体反映,是日本配合美国亚洲战略调整的重要步骤。最后,对这次调整进行了初步评价,认为该调整是对日本战后一直奉行的低调防卫政策的又一次突破,并使东亚合作的进程蒙上了阴影,特别是给中日建立战略互惠关系增添了新的障碍。     

Competitive Global Fruit Export Markets: Marketing Intermediaries and Impacts on Small-Scale Growers in Chile

Abstract — This paper explores the implications of increased competition in global fruit markets for the Chilean small-grower sector. Stagnation in the growth trajectory of such exports has precipitated significant changes in the structure and strategy of the private fruit export company sector. It is proposed that this restructuring discriminates against small growers, whose position within the market has become increasingly vulnerable. To support this idea, evidence obtained from a field study of small-scale grape growers operating in the locality of El Palqui, Region IV is presented. It is argued that increased vulnerability is not simply a function of the inefficiency of diminutive scale per se. Rather, the nature of economic power relations, which tilt heavily in the favour of export companies, form an important explanatory factor in the increasing rate of failure among the fruit growing parceleros. It is argued that the implications of the failure among small growers who have already 'reconverted' is of particular importance. It is proposed that steps re-dress structural imbalances in the market could precipitate productive gains, increase the potential success of small growers attempting to 'reconvert' to fruit production and improve rural equity. If applied to the small scale fruit sector as a whole such moves could help sustain Chile's fruit export sector — an objective which can be seen as crucial to Chile's economic well-being. In this way the argument of free-market purists — that rural economic differentiation which has taken place to date is inevitable and desirable — is challenged.     

THE ANTI-CORRUPTION STRUGGLE IN XI JINPING’S CHINA: AN ALTERNATIVE POLITICAL NARRATIVE

The fact that the extensive anti-corruption struggle that has consumed China since 2013 is highly political is widely accepted and understood. But the question is precisely what political strategy it is directed at – that of bolstering the position of the current supreme leader, Xi Jinping. Or for the preservation of the Party itself. There is a huge difference between these. The first simply means in effect the replacement of one corruptible elite by another. The second means a titanic struggle to change the Chinese communist party culture of power, and to make it enduring and sustainable.