The Shift of the World Centre and its Impact on the Change of the International System

The shift of power engendered by the rise of China will not only change the current international configuration, but will likely lead to a shift of the power centre of the world from Europe to East Asia. Nevertheless, neither the change of the international configuration nor this transfer of the power centre of the world will inevitably bring about the change of the international system. The international system consists of three components including international actors, international configuration and international norms. If a qualitative change of one of these components were treated as a qualitative change of the system, it would not be possible to distinguish the difference between the components and the system nor to determine the relationship between them. A minimum of a qualitative change of at least two components must be observed to be defined as a qualitative change in the system. Because the rise of China is the main engine changing the international configuration, it will be faced with increasing pressure from the system. Thus, China has to adopt a foreign strategy in accordance with its international status and policy for wining more strategic partners and constructing new international norms.     

The role of epistemic communities: local think tanks,international practitioners and security sector reform in Kosovo

ABSTRACT

Security sector reform (SSR) in Kosovo remains complex and challenging. The existing approach is heavily driven by international agencies. This article addresses the question: What role is played by local research in Kosovo’s SSR? This study focuses on the challenges that local research poses to internationally led SSR in Kosovo, and the contribution that local researchers make to the decision-making of international practitioners. In Kosovo, local research organizations produce research analysing and critiquing international SSR and offering alternative approaches. The study builds on existing studies of epistemic communities and research use in policy-making and new evidence based on the author’s interview survey of researchers and policy-makers in Kosovo. The article argues that focusing on the interaction between local researchers and international policy practitioners provides valuable insight into the construction of Kosovo’s SSR. The study deconstructs the structures, processes and agencies at the heart of the local/international relationship. It explains how local research on topics of security, justice and rule of law, and its interaction with international practitioners, challenges international SSR and contributes to international SSR decision-making.     

The Rise and Fall of the Australian Women's Bureau

Policy textbooks often overlook the importance of international borrowing in their accounts of the policy process. Analysis of feminist policy influence also tends to neglect the international dimension of the opportunity structure and the leverage provided by international agendas. In this article we tell the story of how the Women's Bureau, the first women's unit in Australian government, came into being in the 1960s. This story encompasses the overseas modelling of such bureaux and the promotion of such models through international women's organisations and their national affiliates. The international dimension has been inseparable from the development of women's policy machinery in Australian government; the current disengagement from international standard setting coincides with the dismantling of domestic machinery, including the Women's Bureau.     

国际规则的弱化:特朗普政府如何改变国际规则

特朗普上台执政以来,美国政府采取了不少对于国际秩序颇具冲击性的做法,美国与国际规则体系的关系发生了很大变化。对国际规则的广泛冲击是特朗普政府高度一致性的政策,其行为逻辑包括以“美国优先”为指导原则,改变原有的话语体系和“适当性逻辑”,不以盟友和对手作为政策区分的基本依据,强调获取明确可见的实际利益,在手段的使用上,通过广泛的极限施压等方式表现出与以往很大的不同。特朗普政府冲击国际规则体系的具体做法包括,对无益于美国的国际规则直接退出、对已经运行良好的协议进行再谈判、瘫痪已有国际组织的职能或降低其行动能力、在规则外自行其是等。特朗普政府的做法,造成国际体系中规则弱化的现象,对国际规则的长期有效性将产生深刻影响,并成为国际关系理论与实践中值得探讨的现象。     

发达国家在国际话语权建设方面的主要经验

国际话语权的争夺是当今大国博弈的重要方面。中国正在走近世界舞台的中央,面对的是发达国家在国际话语权上的优势。中国要增强自己的国际话语权需要一个过程,在这一进程中,研究和借鉴别国成功的经验十分重要。本文研究和总结了发达国家在国际话语权建设方面的主要经验,认为谋求国际话语权需要以国家实力为基础,但有实力并不就意味着有话语权,还需要注重话语的内容能被国际社会接受,需要通过有效的手段传播这些话语,更需要把舆论性话语转变成制度性话语。     

国际规范的国内化:国内结构的影响及传播机制

本文对当前规范研究中的一个重要议题——国际规范的国内化——进行了回顾和总结。文章首先介绍国际规范研究的学术历程,以及国际规范国内化研究产生的原因。其次,着重讨论影响国际规范国内化过程中最重要的干预因素——国内结构,包括国内制度、国内利益和规范匹配。最后,文章讨论了国际规范经由什么机制而传播到国内,并探讨了激励机制与社会化机制在规范传播中的作用和影响,以及后果性逻辑与适当性逻辑之间的转化关系。     

国家社会化:国际关系的一项研究议程

国家社会化研究的兴起既是建构主义进一步发展的需要,也是解释国际政治现实问题的需求。尽管目前学界对国家社会化概念的界定尚未达成共识,但是其基本内涵可概括为:国家社会化是国际社会互动导致国家认可、接受国际社会期望的思维方式和行动方式的过程。国家社会化的基本途径是通过国际社会教化和个体国家内化实现的。社会教化,指国际社会通过社会化的机构及其执行者实施社会化的过程。国家内化,指社会化的主体——国家通过社会互动,接受社会教化,将国际体系规范转化为稳定的思维和行为反应方式的过程。国家社会化的作用机制是多样的,包括战略计算、角色扮演、规范沟通、模仿、说服、社会影响等等。将社会化概念引入国际关系研究既有重要的学术意义,也存在局限性,需要注意避免过度使用。     

遵约与国际制度的有效性:情投意合还是一厢情愿

20世纪90年代,国际关系学与国际法学开始走上了相互借鉴、学习的道路。国际关系学者和法学研究者在遵约研究方面具有共同的议程,遵约研究已经成为国际关系理论的重要方面。遵约被国际关系学界用来衡量制度的因果影响,具有一定的客观性。但是,遵约与国际制度有效性之间并不具有必然的联系,遵约是对制度因果关系的误读。此外,认识论、方法论上及分析层次、内生性问题上也对遵约研究提出了挑战。遵约研究对制度有效性的启示在于:应该慎重选择衡量结果的指标,从而准确评估制度对国家政策和行为的因果影响。     

Security and Peace in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific

Abstract

Two recent books make significant contributions to the scholarly literature both in East Asian security studies and in international relations theory more generally. While developing international relations theory by drawing from the non-Western experiences of East Asia, these books complement the existing international relations theory that has been criticized for being overly West-centric. The books also develop some interesting East Asian, neopragmatic ideas on the “theory of theory” in international relations. These ideas have a potential of not only changing our answers to questions about East Asian security but also reformulating the questions we ask in our investigation of international security issues.     

The Syrian Refugee Crisis and the International Community

This article analyzes the problematics of the international community's response to the Syrian refugee crisis: patterns of displacement, including the lack of attention to basic needs, the limited economic opportunities in host countries, the conditions facing Syrian refugee children, the risk involved in migration, and the challenge of adapting to host societies. The article then elucidates the series of failures of the international community to address the causes of this displacement, despite efforts by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and international institutions to alleviate suffering. It traces the humanitarian mismanagement to political divisions in the international community, including the failure of Arab states, the Iranian intervention, and the role of the United Nations, Russia and the United States in aggravating the displacement. The article provides policy recommendations for international actors in order to honor their commitments to hosting refugees and addresses the political requirements for a lasting solution.     

China's Economic and Social Development and the International Scene

China's phenomenal economic growth had a tremendous impact on the international scene, in terms of both China's international behavior and the state of the international system. China has become a welcomed presence in the international community in many ways. However, there are also consequences of growth that cause international concern: the rapid growth of its military capability without accompanying improvements in transparency, strengthened ties with problem states caused by growing domestic energy demands, and possible diversion of domestic discontents abroad that might be intensified by growing nationalism. In terms of the international system, the most notable is China's expanding presence in the surrounding region, but it is not leading to a China-centered region because of other important concurrent developments. The growing relationship between China and another rapidly rising power, India, and the US involvement with both countries are leading to the formation of a new triangular relationship in Asia.     

从国际新闻署到美国新闻署--美国对外宣传机构的演变

本文考察了二战后美国对外宣传执行机构从国务院组织框架下的国际新闻署到独立的美国新闻署的发展历程,并通过分析美国对外宣传执行机构在美国政府部门中的地位的变迁展示美国政府对外宣传的发展.     

Sheikh Wahbah al-Zuhaili on international relations: the discourse of a prominent Islamist scholar (1932–2015)

In recent years, radical and violent Islamist movements – such as al-Qaeda and its offshoot the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria – have seized the spotlight. A corollary of this preoccupation has been the proliferation of studies on the political thought of radical Islamist figures such as Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi, Ayman al-Zawahiri and Osama bin-Laden. By contrast, scant attention has been paid to the thought of moderate contemporary Sunni Islamist scholars. This article attempts to rectify this situation by focusing on the international relations discourse of a prominent Syrian Islamist thinker Sheikh Wahbah al-Zuhaili (hereafter Zuhaili). The article examines Zuhaili's views on three central and interrelated topics: (1) the nature and underpinning principles of international relations; (2) war; and (3) the role of international law and international norms and conventions in international relations. By shedding light on Zuhaili's thought and situating it in its proper ideational and historical contexts, the article concludes that radical Islamist ideology is at the periphery of contemporary Islamist conceptualizations of international relations while the epicentre is held by mainstream Islamists whose perspectives on international relations are fairly compatible with prevalent western views, especially those emanating from the Realist school.     

现代历时性/共时性国际体系变迁中的结构性权力变化分析

国际体系变迁是当今国际关系研究中的热点问题之一。由于界定标准的差异,国际体系变迁类型可以从不同的视角进行区分。本文中的历时性和共时性两种类型的国际体系变迁,是以时空标准来进行区分的。由于这两种类型的国际体系变迁存在时间上的延续和空间上的连接关系,因而这种归类有助于避免机械地将"体系本体转型"与"体系要素转型"割裂开来。在作为国际体系基本单位的不同——同质性与异质性——国际行为体之间,其结构性权力变化、结构性权力的持续时间和稳定性,以及结构性权力来源领域的相对重要性等,在这两种类型的国际体系变迁中呈现出各自不同的特点。现代历时性/共时性国际体系变迁中的结构性权力变化充分体现了这种差异。如果当今正在发生的是又一次历时性国际体系变迁——即从现代国际体系到后现代国际体系的变迁,那么其对新型国际体系的结构性权力变化将产生深远的影响。     

The Emergence of the Idea of ‘International Law’ in the Ottoman Empire before the Treaty of Paris (1856)

The literature on the Ottoman Empire's position in the European states system generally considers the Treaty of Paris as a landmark event for the European states’ recognition of the Ottoman participation in the European concert and the advantages of European international law. This article argues that this consideration overestimates the impact of the Treaty of Paris and reveals that before 1856, the Ottoman Empire was a part of the European states system and was subject to European international law both in terms of treaty-making practices and in the utilization of European customary law. Moreover, the article argues that the Ottomans were interested in the concept of international law before the Treaty of Paris. The existence of archival documents on Ottoman dealings with the European states and the publication of two translations from the European international law treatises before the Treaty of Paris indicate that the Ottomans interest in international law was to ensure the survival of the empire.     

Issues of local ownership in Kosovo’s security sector

Local ownership represents an overarching concept in international development. However, its core principles have been occasionally neglected in the practice of state-building such as in the case of Kosovo. This paper explores relations between the international community and local actors in the process of Kosovo security sector development after 2008, when the country declared its independence. This article finds that externally-driven models were imposed in some phases of security sector development. The actions of the international community disregarded the local context and created distrust by the local actors. The study relies on extensive face-to-face interviews with relevant national and international stakeholders, a public opinion survey with a sample of 1102 respondents, focus group and personal observation.     

Hierarchy in Asian International Relations: 1300-1900

Abstract

Scholars in the field of international relations tend to treat the contemporary Asian system as if it emerged fully formed from nothingness in the post-World War II and post-colonial era. This essay explores a major historical epoch—the Asian international system from 1300 to 1900. During that time, the Asian international system was both intensive and extensive, in both interactions and relations between Asian states. Thus, understanding and incorporating this system into our theories of international relations is critical. To date, scholars have rarely described the main features of this system. In this article, I attempt such a task, and will also draw implications for mainstream international relations theories. In short, the research in this essay reveals that the historical Asian international system was stable and hierarchic in nature. The main theoretical finding is an alternative to the balancing proposition. That is, the findings in this article present a major empirical challenge to the argument that balance of power is a recurrent phenomenon across time and geography. Furthermore, this article shows that hierarchy may be more stable than balancing as an organizing principle in international relations.     

国际秩序与中美战略竞争

当今国际格局的最显著变化,就是新兴市场国家和发展中国家的群体性崛起以及中国与世界主要国家间力量对比的变化。就中美当前的实力地位和国际影响力而言,中美战略竞争中短期内还难以决定性地改变当前的国际秩序。中国即便对美国的贸易霸凌主义和在亚太地区的霸权主义军事及安全行动采取斗争的回应方式,也并不意味着两国无法合作、或中美关系已进入国际秩序变革的主导权之争。中美战略竞争的同时,经贸往来和必要的合作仍会发展。中美战略竞争会影响权力、观念和行为方式的调整变化,其走势将在相当程度上影响国际秩序的稳定和变革。但未来国际秩序的变革并非只取决于中美,世界主要国家间的互动关系和战略选择,将决定性地影响中美战略竞争的走势和未来国际秩序的演变进程。     

中国和国际秩序——来自历史视角的观察

二战后由美国等西方国家所创立的国际制度仍是当前国际秩序的基础。长期以来,国际社会不断要求中国遵守国际秩序下的各种规则。从历史的视角观察,中国对国际秩序及自己的地位的认知发生了变化。这其中既有中国历史传统文化的因素,又受到与外界互动的影响。中国有关世界新秩序的认识过程可以分为四个阶段,每一个阶段都威胁到要彻底改变中国人曾有的对于世界的认知,同时,每个阶段似乎又都引导着中国人更好地调整自身以应对外部压力,并向新的世界观挑战。要想对建设一个真正具有吸引力的、和平稳定的国际秩序有所贡献,中国还有很多工作要做。     

German and British parliaments and conceptions of the global climate threat during the United Nation Earth Summit of 1992

Ever since the beginning of international climate conservation politics there has been variation across nations in political traditions in debating the climate issue. Political decision-makers have interpreted the scientific findings on global warming with different emphases, thereby giving rise to variation in views on preferred national or international solutions. These tensions first became evident before and during the Earth Summit of the United Nations in 1992 in Rio de Janeiro, when the United Nations Climate Change Convention was prepared and eventually signed. This article discusses the historical background of international climate conservation politics and illustrates the tensions between contrasting parliamentary traditions in conceptualizing the climate issue. It analyses concepts and arguments presented in the German and British parliaments, which debated the necessity and justifications for international and national climate politics and the form these should take. Empirical analysis of the parliamentary debates of the period shows that during this phase in the early 1990s of introducing and initiating climate conservation policies parliamentarians debated the limits and prospects of national, international and supranational decision-making. The German and British parliaments have traditionally articulated different ideas on international and European co-operation and this difference is also apparent in the field of climate conservation policies.