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一、刚果(金)警务工作刚果(金)自2002年开始开展了警务改革,部分军队人员纳入国家警察部队,并成立刚果(金)国家警察部队(PNC)。三年后,刚果(金)国家政府成立了国家警察委员会,并就此提出一系列建议,为刚果(金)的警察改革议程铺平了道路。2007年,刚果(金)政府会同部分外国驻刚果(金)大使馆成立了警察改革委员会(CSRP)来领导国内警务改革。  相似文献   

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The massacres that took place in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) between 1996 and 2003 have posed an interesting challenge to the global community, specifically to its more powerful members. Ironically, the Tutsi-dominated government of Rwanda enjoys international recognition and benefits based on the genocide, Rwanda suffered in 1994, but continues to deny the same benefit to Hutus as they were accused of leading a counter-genocide campaign then in the DRC. While the people of the DRC, as well as human rights activists, call for justice for all who were affected, the government of Rwanda, strongly backed by a number of powerful international powers, opposed attempts by the international community to pin charges of genocide perpetrated by its army in the DRC on it. Because of the clear negation of the genocide report by the Rwandan government, the nature of human rights, human rights violations, and genocide criteria proposed and defended by key members of the international community in relation to the mass killings in the DRC are examined.  相似文献   

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备受关注的FG Hemisphere Associates LLC诉刚果民主共和国及其他人案在经历了一系列审判后,由香港终审法院做出终局裁决。香港终审法院根据全国人民代表大会常务委员会的释法,判定香港特别行政区应与中央政府的国家豁免规则保持一致,因而香港法院对刚果民主共和国无司法管辖权。本案将"一国两制"制度下国家豁免规则的适用问题以及中国的国家豁免立法问题提上了议程,并为国家豁免立法及其区际适用问题提供了一定的解决路径和实践经验。显然,目前中国坚持绝对豁免立场,且适用于香港特别行政区。然而,考虑到中国已经签署《联合国国家及其财产管辖豁免公约》,且采取限制豁免并不必然对中国不利,因此中国可以考虑适时转变态度。  相似文献   

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沈桥林 《政法论丛》2013,(1):93-102
清帝逊位之初十几年的中国近代史,就是围绕《中华民国临时约法》的斗争史。国民党试图凭借《中华民国临时约法》实现责任内阁和政党政治;袁世凯或明或暗地破坏该法,欲使中国社会回归传统,让自己君临天下。然而,最终双方都以失败而告终。何也?在袁世凯,大概因为封建传统思想严重,过于迷信武装的力量和政治手腕,以至于公然逆民意和历史潮流而动,冒天下之大不韪;在国民党,大概因为没有真正接受宪政文化的洗礼,没有彻底摆脱传统文化的影响,对时局的把握也不够准确,以至于不知不觉地犯了这样那样的错误。  相似文献   

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Forensic medicine services were resumed in the territory of the Soviet occupation zone in early summer 1945. One coherent legal system was established, following the foundation of the German Democratic Republic (GDR), 7 October 1949. Forensic medicine was subject of teaching and examinations from the very outset. Sub-specialisation (fellowship) was introduced in 1955. The Gesellschaft für Gerichtliche Medizin der DDR (GDR Society of Forensic Medicine) was established in 1967 and began to organise with high continuity a wide-ranging variety of scientific events. Almost all administrative districts had their own institute of forensic medicine by 1990.  相似文献   

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Abstract: Our aim in this article is to consider whether the Union's deliberation over and decision‐making on constitutional norms, can contribute to render it more democratic. From a normative perspective, the way a constitution is forged has deep implications for its democratic legitimacy. In light of recent events, we consider how procedural changes in constitution‐making might contribute to rectify the Union's democratic deficit. To do so we first develop a thin model of constitution‐making based on the central tenets of deliberative democracy. Through this we seek to outline how a legitimate constitution‐making process will look from a deliberative democratic perspective. Second, we distil out some of the core characteristics of the Intergovernmental Conference (hereafter, IGC) model and assess this against the normative model, to establish the democratic quality of the IGC model. Third, we assess the current Laeken process by means of spelling out the central tenets of this mode of constitution‐making, and we assess it in relation to the normative standards of the deliberative model. In the fourth and final step, we consider what contribution constitution‐making might make to the handling of the EU's legitimacy deficit(s). We find that the Laeken process, in contrast to previous IGCs, was explicitly framed as a matter of constitution‐making. It carried further the democratization of constitution‐making, through its heightened degree of inclusivity and transparency. However, when considered in relation to the deliberative‐democratic model, it is clear that the Laeken Constitutional Treaty cannot be accorded the full dignity of a democratic constitution. The Constitutional Treaty can however lay the foundations for We the European people to speak.  相似文献   

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Dr. jur., University of Munich 1963; Dr. jur. habil., University of Munich 1968.  相似文献   

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Editor's Note: Dr. Buchholz is a regular contributor to this journal. He is a leading scholar on international law and has published numerous articles and book chapters not only in his own country but also in socialist countries and in the West. Some of his works are being translated into English, i.e., Socialist Criminology (with R. Hartmann, J. Lekschas and G. Stiller, published by D. C. Heath, 1974 edition). His most recent publication appeared in Vol. 9, No. 2, (Winter, 1985) pp. 59–70, entitled Some Aspects of the Development of the Penalty System in the German Democratic Republic. Currently Dr. Buchholz is the Director, Dean, and Professor in the College of Law, Humboldt University, East Berlin. He is a permanent member of the Presidency of the Council for Scientific Investigation of Legal Science at the Academy of Science of the GDR and the International Association of Penal Law. On behalf of the journal staff, we wish to take this opportunity to thank him for his contributions to the fund of knowledge in the field of criminal justice, here and abroad.  相似文献   

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Why have women in eastern DR Congo increasingly turned to domestic courts in the aftermath of sexual violence, despite the fact that the state has consistently failed to provide basic goods and services to its citizens? Moreover, how do victims of violence interpret their first encounters with state law in an environment characterized by institutional fragility and humanitarian governance? This article analyzes the experiences and reflections of 50 self‐reported victims of sexual violence in eastern DR Congo. We find that human rights NGOs have served as critical mediators in persuading victims of violence to pursue legal remedy for sexual crimes. However, rather than being socialized to prioritize formal accountability mechanisms in precisely the ways that the architects of legal outreach programs intended, we find that victims of violence have turned to the law for a combination of material and ideational factors. Some appear to have internalized emerging norms of punitive criminal justice, while others have adopted the language of law instrumentally, in order to access crucial socio‐material benefits. We identify a paradox of opportunity and disempowerment, therefore, that characterizes our interviewees' experiences with the law.  相似文献   

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聂资鲁 《河北法学》2004,22(3):6-11
历史留给后人许多经验和教训 ,也留给人们思考的空间。通过对中美两部宪法在立宪理念、宪法内容、行宪结果及其原因的比较、分析 ,认为契约精神在我国的推广 ,将有助于推动我国宪政的完善与发展。  相似文献   

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Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to anticipate the implications of the transitional arrangements contained in the Accession Treaty on the agri-food acquis after enlargement on 1 May 2004. While the combination of the current reform of agri-food law and the system of transitional arrangements will contribute to the complexity of EC agri-food law, enlargement also raises other important implications for the future evolution of EC agri-food law. Drawing on experiences gained as a result of the pre-accession strategy, together with an analysis of the readiness of the new Member States to apply the agri-food acquis , this paper concludes with a number of comments on the future evolution of the agri-food acquis in a Union of twenty-five Member States.  相似文献   

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Abstract Even if the institutions of representative democracy that have developed in the nation‐state context cannot be simply transposed to the European Union, for practical and normative reasons they do provide the main starting point for any reflection on the EU's ‘democratic deficit’. This article draws upon the Constitution prepared by the European Convention to reconstruct the concept of representative democracy in the EU. Drawing on the proposals put forward, it identifies two distinctive challenges that need to be overcome if the concept of representative democracy is to be successfully applied to the EU: the multilevel character of the polity and the shift of the centre of political gravity from legislative to executive politics. The article then examines the extent to which the institutional proposals contained in the Constitution go to meet these two challenges and also highlights some aspects in which these proposals fall short.  相似文献   

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MIHAELA MIHAI 《Ratio juris》2010,23(2):183-204
The paper seeks to contribute to the transitional justice literature by overcoming the Democracy v. Justice debate. This debate is normatively implausible and prudentially self‐defeating. Normatively, transitional justice will be conceptualised as an imperative of democratic equal concern. Prudentially, it can prevent further violence and provide an opportunity for initiating processes of democratic emotional socialisation. The resentment and indignation animating transitions should be acknowledged as markers of a sense of justice. As such, they can help the reproduction of democracy. However, their public expression must be institutionally filtered through democratic norms. The consistent institutional instantiation of equal respect can educate and recuperate negative emotions for democracy.  相似文献   

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抗战胜利后,中国共产党和进步人士联合抵制五五宪草,在随后召开的政治协商会议上通过了十二原则,并据此草拟了政协宪草。经过张君劢、孙科等人的努力,1946年最后通过的"宪法"基本上与政协宪草一致。与五五宪草相较,这部"宪法"从文本上讲是较佳的,可国民党政府非法地将其匆匆通过只是为了粉饰太平,这也预示了这部"宪法"的坎坷命运。  相似文献   

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对《宪法》"序言"和"总纲"的修改建议   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
改革初期制定的现行<宪法>已经基本上完成了其历史使命,应当对其进行全面修改了.<宪法>"序言"中有关历史的叙述、个人的名字、阶级斗争的文字等内容应当删除,并增加国家性质、精神文明等内容;"总纲"部分在基本保留原有条文的基础上,其结构应有较大调整,先后顺序需重新排列,有些在其它章节规定的条文(如国旗、国徽、首都,国籍,修宪程序等)应放在"总纲"中较为合适,有些内容如经济制度应当作大幅度删减.  相似文献   

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