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1.
《国际公共行政管理杂志》2012,35(1):17-25
ABSTRACTThis study, using the data from the questionnaire survey of researchers working for Korean national research institutes, investigates the consequences of conflicting occupational identities. Those researchers may have two different occupational identities: as a scientist and/or a civil servant. Those with a strong scientist identity support individualist values (self-development for research capabilities, pro-incentive, and information sharing) more solidly than those with a strong civil servant identity; for public-social values (altruism, trust in other organizational members, and organizational commitment), vice versa. The study casts practical implications for balanced alignment between self-recognized occupational identities and managerial strategies (incentive, performance evaluation, and training). 相似文献
2.
Following the 1948 Nakba (disaster) and collapse of Palestinian society, its national project and cultural sites, a residue
of 170,000 Palestinians became citizens of the emerging state of Israel, which existed under a strict military rule until
1966. This residue was mainly illiterate villagers who were left without national and intellectual leadership. After a few
years of frightened silence, a new intellectual stratum of young poets from this group began to publish reflections on their
national situation. Intentionally simple, direct, and mainly easily memorized, their poetry became the ultimate cultural channel
to create and disseminate a Palestinian version of the 1948 war, its subsequent state, and the vision of a desired future.
These young poets gradually became the leading producers of Palestinian culture in Israel and abroad. Their poetry became
the ultimate reference point for Palestine’s national ethos and myths. Palestinians abroad named them the “poets of resistance”
and their poems were composed into inflaming national songs. But while this new intellectual strata became active cultural
producers, intervening in “the nation building process,” their social role remained ambivalent and problematic. Despite their
national enthusiasm and appeal for social change, they were unable to transgress the patriarchic rule that was hegemonic in
Palestinian society. This hegemonic narrative was interwoven in three themes: (1) using the lexicon of natural disaster to
conceptualize the 1948 events, presenting them as an irresistible natural disaster (even by God who appeared during the events
as pathetic and useless); (2) representing the Palestinian defeat in 1948 through patriarchal language of “collective shame,”
“land rape,” and “honor lost;” and (3) articulating the national liberation project as masculine, promising to liberate the
“captured land-woman” and to recover the collective honor of the nation.
相似文献
Honaida GhanimEmail: Email: |
3.
Ivana Djuric 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2003,17(1):113-130
As I attempt to reveal in this article, Croatian Diaspora's press in North America plays a crucial role in ethnic mobilization and formation of attitudes among members of Croatian Diaspora community toward their home society—Croatia and construction of transnational national community. Discourse analysis employed when examining writings published between 1980–1995 in the most influential Croatian Diaspora's journal—the Fraternalist—builds on the idea that not only news from both the host and home countries are provided, but they are also used to constantly reproduce elements of group identity among Diaspora's community. This study explores the main trends in different stages of ethnic homogenization and mobilization of Croatian Diaspora in North America, which progressed in response to political changes in the home country, reaching its peak with the commencement of the war in Croatia in 1991. 相似文献
4.
This paper investigates the clash of (language) ideologies in Estonia in the post-Communist period. In an analysis of changing Western recommendations and Estonian responses during the transition of Estonia from Soviet Socialist Republic to independent state, we trace the development of the discourses on language and citizenship rights. Different conceptions of the nation-state and of how citizenship is acquired, together with different approaches to human rights, led to disagreement between Estonian political elites and the political actors attached to international institutions. In particular, the Soviet demographic legacy posed problems. We use a context-sensitive approach that takes account of human agency, political intervention, power, and authority in the formation of (national) language ideologies and policies. We find that the complexities of cultural and contextual differences were often ignored and misunderstood by both parties and that in their exchanges the two sides appeared to subscribe to ideal philosophical positions. In the following two decades both sides repositioned themselves and appeared to accommodate to the opposing view. In deconstructing the role of political intervention pressing for social and political inclusion and in documenting the profound feeling of victimhood that remained as a legacy from the Soviet period and the bargain that was struck, we hope to contribute to a deeper understanding of the language ideological debates surrounding the post-Communist nation-(re)building process. 相似文献