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1.
随着社会的发展我国对的强奸罪的规定已经不能解决生活中所有问题。对强奸行为规定的过于狭窄,出现了法律保护的空白;强奸罪的犯罪主体为男性,女性只能构成强奸罪的共犯,使得一些女性性犯罪得不到相应的制裁;强奸罪的犯罪对象仅指女性,导致男性的性权利得不到有效保护。本文对这些问题进行思考,提出了一些看法和建议。  相似文献   

2.
随着性主体和性行为方式的多样化,强迫性交犯罪呈现出种种新现象。现有关于强奸罪的规定已不适应形势的发展,如强奸罪主体较狭窄,应该把女性主体和丈夫主体予以明确规定。同时,犯罪对象应该包括男性,客体为他人不可侵犯的性权利。客观方面,性交方式应将口交、肛交等包括进去;欺骗性交也可构成强奸。此外,适度降低强奸罪基本罪的法定刑,适当增加其量刑单位,并对加重情节予以完善。  相似文献   

3.
女性可否成为强奸罪的直接正犯   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
我国刑法第二百三十六条规定:“以暴力、胁迫或者其他手段强奸妇女的,处……”。最高人民法院、最高人民检察院和公安部于1984年4月26日联合作出的《关于当前办理强奸案件中具体应用法律的若干问题的解答》规定:“强奸罪是指以暴力、胁迫或者其他手段,违背妇女的意志,强行与其发生性交的行为。”据此,笔者认为,我国刑法对强奸罪的立法规定,有四个方面的法律特征:一是犯罪主体单一,即犯罪主体通常是男子,其中直接正犯只能是男子,教唆、帮助男子强奸妇女的女子,可以成为强奸罪的共犯。二是犯罪对象单一,即犯罪对象只能是女性,男性不能成为强奸…  相似文献   

4.
吴家林 《法制与社会》2013,(33):283-284,290
强奸罪是一种严重侵犯公民人身权利的犯罪,具有严重的社会危害性,是世界各国刑法重点打击的犯罪之一,我国也不例外。传统的强奸罪的犯罪主体是男性,犯罪对象只能是女性,但是,随着男性强暴男性、女性强暴男性等情形的不断出现,我国现行刑法236条规定的强奸罪相关规定已明显呈现出滞后性,呈现出打击不力的问题。本文基于司法实践中不断出现男性强暴男性、女性强暴男性等案件,对刑法强奸罪的主体、对象进行反思,进而提出重构强奸罪的必要性,以及如何重构的设想,以讨教方家。  相似文献   

5.
现代社会中,同性强奸,女性强奸男性等强奸行为已越来越多的呈现出来,强奸主体的增加,强奸行为的多样化,使我国现行刑法有关强奸罪的规定已不能适应形势的发展。本文通过对国内外的立法比较,分析我国强奸罪的立法缺陷,提出了完善我国强奸罪的立法建议。  相似文献   

6.
夏翔行为是否构成强奸罪,说法不一,笔者也谈一点自己的看法。一、强奸罪是一种两性关系方面的犯罪。违背妇女意志、强奸与妇女性交是其实质,暴力、胁迫等是其手段。从强奸罪的构成来看,犯罪主体必须是具有刑事责任能力的男子;在某些情况下,妇女只能成为教唆、帮助男子实施强奸行为的共犯;犯罪主体所侵害的客体是妇女的人身权利,即妇女性的不可侵犯的权利。因此,表现这一客体的犯罪对象  相似文献   

7.
阚磊  汤晓红 《法制与社会》2013,(18):282-283
当前我国刑法对强奸罪的规定主要是针对男性对女性的性侵犯。然而,随着社会发展,"男性对男性"、"女性对女性"这类同性性暴力的案件日益增多。根据"法无明文规定不为罪,法无明文禁止即可为"的刑法原则,上述两类案件都构不成强奸罪,原本应该受到刑法严厉制裁的行为人却得以规避法律。因此,填补同性性侵犯的立法空白、扩充强奸罪的犯罪主体和对象显得极其有必要。  相似文献   

8.
男性遭受性侵害案件频发。刑法应该将强奸罪的保护对象扩大到男性,取消强奸罪主体和对象的限制是刑法平等原则的要求。在刑法罪刑体系内,将强制猥亵、侮辱妇女罪和猥亵儿童统一修改为猥亵罪。嫖宿幼女罪对强奸范围之外的部分主观上确非强奸的性侵害犯罪予以特别规定,有其特定的价值意义,关键是要正确处理该罪与奸淫幼女犯罪的关系,使我国刑法规范的性犯罪形成相互协调又错落有致的罪刑阶梯。  相似文献   

9.
马姝 《河北法学》2011,29(12):126-132
后现代女性主义将强奸视为一种"语言"。借由"话语塑造主体"这一机制,男性在有关强奸的立法与司法仪式中被塑造为身体上的压倒性体力占有者,女性则具有了"可被强奸"的属性。女性在男权社会中被客体化的事实在强奸罪这一罪名中得到进一步强化。后现代女性主义主张的话语转换策略提醒我们应当跳出既有法律框架来思考防治强奸的对策,即可以考虑在社会条件成熟的时候,取消"强奸罪"这一法律语言,达到改变女性弱势地位,约束男权的扩张,抑制强奸行为发生的目的。至此,女性以主体地位进入法律史,性别平等得到实现。  相似文献   

10.
顾文 《法制与社会》2016,(5):252-253,259
随着时间的推移,当下社会上出现越来越多男性受到性侵害的案件,由于我国《刑法》对于强奸罪犯罪对象的规定只能为女性,正是这一漏洞使得男性受到性侵害的犯罪得不到有效的规制,从而"从强奸罪立法上保护男性性权益"的呼声越来越高。我国《刑法》关于强奸罪的规定已经到达了无可避免而急需及时扩大其犯罪对象的范围,因此对男性纳入我国《刑法》强奸罪犯罪对象进行系统的研究已显得非常必要。  相似文献   

11.
强奸犯罪是一种会造成女性生理、心理严重创伤的罪行,当被害人为未成年女性的时候,其危害结果更为严重。通过对重庆市2007年1月至2008年4月发生的强奸犯罪案件的分析可以发现,强奸罪中的未成年女性被害群体主要集中在农村,而这类犯罪的主要侵害目标是缺乏有效监护的8-14周岁的幼女,而且这类案件多发于白天、室内。由于未成年女性大多缺乏辨别善恶是非的能力,容易受利诱致害。在被害后,她们大多不知道采取正确有效的自救方法,所以,要预防未成年女性成为强奸犯罪的被害人,帮助已经被害的未成年女性恢复正常的生活,需要社会、政府和家庭的相互配合,通力合作。  相似文献   

12.
论知识产权刑事自诉案件中举证责任的分配原则   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
邵建东 《河北法学》2007,25(11):10-13
我国最新的司法解释进一步明确了知识产权刑事案件公诉和自诉的规定,旨在切实保障知识产权被害人的刑事自诉权.然而,司法实践中知识产权刑事自诉案件极其罕见.认为在适用现行程序法规定和证据规则的条件下,知识产权遭受侵犯的被害人根本无法提供足够的证据来证明被告人的犯罪行为.因此,中国在今后制定或修改法律时,应当确立新的举证责任分配原则,从根本上减轻知识产权犯罪案件刑事自诉人的举证负担.  相似文献   

13.
ABSTRACT

Despite public outrage over our global “rape culture,” sexual offences continue to be characterised by low levels of reporting, prosecution, and conviction in many countries. Attrition rates for sexual assault internationally, although varying in pattern, are consistently high. As a signatory to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women (DEVAW), the Indian Government acknowledges the need to afford better protection to victims of gender violence. Assessing the effect of rape law reform in India, using crime statistics and a survey of recent judgments from the Delhi District Courts, the author argues that the legislature has failed systematically to address the many injustices experienced by women who allege rape. The Indian Parliament responding to the moral panic generated by the Delhi gang rape case with knee-jerk reforms, focused mainly on increasing penalties, maintaining an outmoded view of rape as a crime against morality rather than as a violation of gender rights and human rights. By closely investigating the sociocultural context in which sexual crimes against women occur in India, the author reveals that India’s “cultural” arguments for rejecting further reform (such as repeal of the marital rape immunity) are merely entrenched gender biases, bearing strong parallels to nineteenth century English common law perceptions of women who allege rape as a class of false complainants.  相似文献   

14.
Therapeutic jurisprudence (TJ) proposes that the law is a social force that can heal or cause harm to parties in a legal action. Historically, women victims of intimate partner rape and domestic violence could not seek justice in the legal system because police, like other actors in the justice system, treated these offenses as private matters or fabrications. In domestic violence and intimate rape cases, TJ is concerned with the needs of the victims, and how the law and police play a role in increasing their well-being. In this article, we use a TJ approach to the study of police responsiveness to victims of these offenses by investigating arrests of the offenders pursuant to law reforms that encourage or mandate arrest. Given that in these offenses, victims have the lowest reporting rates of any violent crime, the victim decision to call the police represents an expectation that the mere physical presence of a police officer may redefine the nature of the violence from a private conflict to a societal wrong that will not be tolerated. Police partnership with and treatment of the victim with respect and dignity can change the dynamics of the violence, terminate the violence, and set the criminal justice process in motion by arresting the offender in most cases. Police arrest, and subsequent prosecution and conviction, sends a message to offenders that society does not tolerate their violence, and allows the victim to begin to heal. Yet, past research indicates that police are less likely to arrest intimates than acquaintances and strangers in misdemeanor and aggravated assault, rape, and sexual assault cases. Using the National Incidence Reporting System (NIBRS) for the year 2000, we examine police arrests of intimate partner rape and domestic violence in jurisdictions with mandatory and presumptive arrest policies compared to police arrests in full discretion jurisdictions. We also ascertain whether arrest rates are higher for strangers and acquaintances than for intimates in misdemeanor and aggravated assault, kidnapping, and rape and sexual assault. Third, we determine whether police arrests of intimate partner rape is more likely if there is evidence of violence, injury to the victim, and use of a weapon. Our multivariate findings suggest that both the rape and the domestic violence reform movements have reversed the tide of historical negative treatment of female victims of these offenses. Logistic regression analysis indicates that police agencies in mandatory and preferred arrest jurisdictions increase the odds of arrest for domestic violence incidents and violations of orders of protection, compared to police agencies in jurisdictions with permissive/discretionary arrest policies. In addition, intimate violence increases the odds of arrest by 98%; forcible rape accompanied by simple assault or kidnapping increases the odds of arrest by 467 and 222%, respectively whereas forcible fondling accompanied by simple assault increases the odds of arrest by 293%. We discuss the implications of our findings for future law reform as well as TJ.  相似文献   

15.
马贵翔  林婧 《河北法学》2020,38(1):57-67
刑事被害人当事人化的实质是犯罪损害追诉方式的公私合一,该制度设计混淆了公益和私益两种不同性质的诉讼,导致两种权益保护相互冲突进而对刑事司法结果公正造成负面影响。公私分离是刑事被害人去当事人化的当然制度选择,其立法对策主要包括在刑事立法中确立被害人为特殊诉讼参与人、废除被害人在刑事审判中就定罪量刑发表意见的权利、废止被害人刑事自诉权和切断其引起刑事二审、再审的程序路径。同时需要完善相关配套举措,如允许被害人对其物质和精神损害单独提起民事诉讼、完善精神损害赔偿制度、建立刑事被害人国家补偿制度等。  相似文献   

16.
One of the most highly touted improvements in the criminal justice response to rape has been the wide‐scale adoption of sexual assault nurse examiner (SANE) programs that provide specialized medical care and forensic evidence collection to victims. Though previous studies have emphasized the benefits of SANE programs in improving criminal case outcomes, this study illustrates how the post‐rape forensic examination can also discourage reporting, investigation, and prosecution. Interviews with local rape care advocates across the United States show how the increasing emphasis on forensic evidence collected through rape kits may provide an opportunity to reflect and enact persistent law enforcement stereotypes toward sexual assault complainants. Unless police resistance to taking rape seriously is confronted and addressed, even well‐intentioned policy reforms such as SANE programs may end up undermining—rather than enhancing—fair and thorough investigation of sexual assault allegations.  相似文献   

17.
Since the 1980s, there has been a significant rise in domestic and international efforts to enforce individual criminal accountability for human rights violations through trials, but we still lack complete explanations for the emergence of this trend and the variation observed in the use of human rights prosecutions in the world. In this article, we examine the role that procedural law has had in allowing societal actors to influence in this rising trend for individual criminal accountability. We do this by focusing on participation rights granted to victims, such as private prosecution in criminal cases. Based on an exploration of an original database on human rights prosecutions in Latin America and fieldwork research in three countries, we argue that private prosecution is the key causal mechanism that allows societal actors to fight in domestic courts for individual criminal accountability for human rights violations.  相似文献   

18.
Abstract

This paper discusses three themes in relation to assessing progress in the Criminal Justice System's (CJS) ability to investigate and successfully prosecute rape. The themes are business as usual, the justice gap and implementation problems. They arose as a consequence of two discussion papers in this volume by Kate Cook and Jan Jordan, who take positions of optimism and pessimism with respect to improvements for rape victim survivors after a series of reforms and changes in police and prosecution procedures. The stimulus for these papers was the latest review in England and Wales into the CJS's approach to rape conducted by Baroness Stern (2010). The present paper observes that the lack of systematic evaluative research makes it difficult to assess whether innovations in the CJS with respect to rape have been effective or to partial out the relative contribution law reform and changing police or prosecution practice may have made to reporting and conviction rates. Finally, it is suggested that intensification of effort to fully implement review recommendations may achieve limited improvement because of the characteristics of an adversarial legal model.  相似文献   

19.
刘箭 《河北法学》2008,26(6):137-140
我国现行刑法规定的强奸罪和强制猥亵、侮辱妇女罪及猥亵儿童罪,对女性和儿童的性权利给予了充分的保护。但是对14周岁以上的男性性权利保护问题,刑法却存在盲点。通过具体案例,对男性性权利问题进行详细的分析,并针对现行刑法的缺失,提出两种模式的完善方法。  相似文献   

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