Media and the institutional perspective: U.S. and Canadian coverage of terrorism

Abstract

This paper reports data from a content analysis of television news coverage of terrorism. A proposed typology of terrorism and media coverage is tested with stories from network news in the United States and Canada. The typology posits that media coverage of terrorism depends on the act's relation to institutional power bases. The two types of terrorism outlined either seek out or avoid media coverage, depending on whether they challenge or reinforce institutional power. Because of media's interrelationship with the economic and political institutions, coverage of terrorism will take on the flavor of these institutions’ perspective. The data show that although media cover terrorist acts that are linked to U.S. institutional interests, the tone of such coverage casts uncritical perspective. The implications for the general message system of news, with particular regard to the media's contribution to international understanding, are explored.     

U.S. will Continue to Prioritize U.S.-Sino-Japan Balance

strategic games played out between China and Japan are inextricably linked to the U.S.＇ Asia-Pacific strategy. From a historical perspective, changes in Japan＇s domestic politics today can be traced back to the 1945-1951 reforms when Japan was under the control of the U.S.. The Diaoyu Islands dispute is directly related to the U.S.-Japan peace agreement in 1951 that excluded both the Chinese mainland and Taiwan. While current changes in Sino-Japanese relations are also connected to some structural factors like changes in the balance of power between China and Japan and Japan＇s domestic politics edging to the right, another important external cause that should not be ignored is the U.S. effort to rebalance to the Asia-Pacific. Therefore, in order to improve Sino-Japanese relations, we should not only try to find the causes and relative countermeasures from both sides, but also we should properly understand those factors originating from the U.S., particularly the U.S.＇ Asia-Pacific strategy.     

美国国家安全委员会在美对外和对华政策中的作用

美国国家安全委员会实际上包括国家安全委员会本身、国家安全委员会工作班子及其负责人国家安全事务助理.它的演变可分为作为咨询机构的早期阶段、作用膨胀阶段和重新确定以发挥协调作用为主的阶段.国家安全委员会在美对外政策中的主要作用有七项,其对华政策部分的主要作用包括参与制定对华政策、国家安全事务助理在中美关系的关键时刻作为特使访华、参加中美关系中的危机管理等.     

U.S.Democracy Exporting to China

In need of a friend to confront the Soviet Union,the United States turned a blind eye to Chinese political and social systems during the time of the Cold War,and the two became de facto allies,a perfect example for the traditional realist argument.The Carter Administration,critical of the Soviets' human rights situation,said little about China's quite similar political system.     

An Explanation to U.S. Politics

The Republic Party won comprehensive victory in the 2004 U.S. general election. Not only did it keep presidency, expand seats in the Senate and the House of Representatives, it also achieved certain progress in governors‘ elections. The victory in election by the Republic Party reflects the fact that America society pays utmost concern to security and the mainstream of the trend of thought is conservative.……     

中国崛起:美国的认知与反应

随着中国加速崛起,中美的利益合作和竞争愈益具有世界影响和全球意义。美国对中国的心态是复杂的:它一方面在外交、经贸、安全等领域需要中国的合作,另一方面又担心中国的发展对其至上地位和利益形成挑战。对于中国崛起的认知和战略判断,华盛顿的决策圈和舆论界几经辩论,终于在“中国威胁论”和“和平崛起论”的基础上,逐步形成了“两面下注论”。美国对中国崛起的认知与反应不仅将决定中美双边关系的性质,而且将影响整个国际体系的发展走向。     

美国石油危机应对机制

美国石油危机应对机制既是20世纪70年代石油危机的直接产物，也是美国漫长的石油工业发展史中种种维护石油安全的手段在特定历史条件和国际政治背景下系统化、机制化的必然产物。经过30余年的发展，此机制已经相对成熟和完整，日益成为美国应对可能发生的石油危机、维护能源安全的有效防线和国家安全的重要保障。     

美国对台军售问题

对台军售是中美建交过程中的遗留问题。在新中国成立后的相当长时期内,美国拒不承认新中国政府,但对溃逃到台湾的国民党当局提供了各种形式的支持,除在台湾驻军、与台湾当局缔结军事同盟外,从1949年到1979年中美建交,美国向台湾提供的援助达59．8亿美元,其中42．2亿美元为军事援助,17．6亿美元为经济援助。中美建交以来,美国对台军售问题一直是中美关系的一大痼疾。     

2005年美国安全战略调整与对华军事关系

布什第二任期以来,在国家安全战略上不断推出新的举措,力图进一步扩大战略优势和进行地缘战略扩张。在对华军事关系上,美采取了一系列对华军事交往的新措施,增进两国军事上的沟通与交流。但两军关系的发展水平仍属低层次的,短期内难有突破性发展。     

美国与核恐怖主义的安全化

冷战后、尤其是"9·11"后,核恐怖主义威胁日益上升,美国政府通过对核恐怖主义的安全化操作获得了相当的特殊权力.通过对特殊权力的运用,布什政府较为成功地发展出一套层次性防御措施.但与此同时,美过度运用安全化逻辑导致了对假想敌的塑造,使其在伊拉克及伊核、朝核问题上陷入困境.这甚至也可能在一定程度上影响2008年美国总统大选结果.     

U.S.-Russian Relations Difficult to Revive

On March 6, 2009, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton pressed together the ＂reset button＂ in Geneva, signifying that both sides wanted to thaw their bilateral ties since it hit an all-time low over the Russia-Georgia conflict in August, 2008. Although there were some positive signs in improving US-Russian ties, bilateral relations are hard to revive in the near future.     

美国对外政策与俄美关系

冷战后特别是“9·11”以来,美国始终谋求巩固由它领导的单极秩序及其超级大国地位,导致许多国家对美作为“世界领袖”的民主性及其管理世界的方法产生了怀疑。目前,俄美之间对共同利益还缺乏一致性的评价,也没有准备好建立平等的战略伙伴关系。其中一个重要原因就是两国对全球化时代的挑战与威胁,以及两国活动中的全球性因素有不同理解。美对外政策使国际关系进一步复杂化,美国应将建立新的国际秩序和确定它在其中的作用尽快提上议事日程。新的国际秩序应该是世界大国重奏“协奏曲”,并使之成为改变当代世界和在各个领域维系平衡的基础。     

美国新保守主义

新保守主义是当代美国政治思想流派中最活跃也是最危险的一支,在影响美国政府决策和公众舆论上具有极大的政治能量,对美军事、外交政策包括对华政策具有不容低估的影响力。     

Representations of terrorism and the making of counterterrorism policy

Reflexive approaches not only maintain that representations of danger are socially constructed but also that they relate with political behaviour. Representations of terrorism, for instance, are argued to constitute that danger in distinct ways and thus to make certain counterterror policies possible. This article challenges this popular association of reflexive security studies with constitutive effects. It argues that constitutive argumentation advances an insufficiently tangible argument of effect, and that this conceptual weakness derives from both a problematic foundational social theory and a premature rejection of causation. Drawing on the social theory of Margaret Archer and Roy Bhaskar and a differentiated notion of causation, the article advances a “dialectical causal” framework for the analysis of representations of danger instead. Applying it to contemporary Swiss terrorism politics, the article shows how this framework improves on constitutive argumentation in disentangling the political powers involved in the production and enactment of representations of danger.     

美国的制裁与叙美关系演变

20世纪 70年代末以来 ,美国的制裁是叙美关系演变中最主要的破坏性因素之一。 80年代 ,在制裁的阴影下 ,受美苏争夺、阿以冲突 ,特别是黎巴嫩问题的影响 ,叙美关系以冲突与对抗为突出特征。以第一次海湾战争为契机 ,叙美关系得到明显改善 ,并在重新启动后的中东和平进程中平稳发展。但美国行政当局与国会的对叙策略不尽相同 ,美国对叙利亚的政策在合作与制裁之间摇摆 ,其核心因素之一是恐怖主义问题。“倒萨攻伊”战争以来 ,叙美关系急剧恶化 ,制裁因素再度“发酵”。     

美国为何敌视委内瑞拉

20 0 1年 1月 2 0日 ,布什登上美国总统的宝座。布什上台后多次声称重视发展同拉美国家的关系 ,进一步加强对美国“后院”的控制。在美拉关系中 ,委内瑞拉占据重要地位。这不仅因为委内瑞拉是距美国最近的南美国家 ,地理位置重要 ;更重要的是 ,委内瑞拉是美国石油的第 2大供应国 (仅次于沙特阿拉伯 ) ,与美国经济有密切联系。然而 ,在 2 0 0 1年美国发表的人权报告中 ,美国歪曲事实 ,污蔑委内瑞拉不尊重人权 ;在美国发表的《2 0 0 0年国别反毒评估报告》中 ,美国还粗暴干涉委内瑞拉内政。布什政府为什么对委内瑞拉采取敌视态度 ?笔者认为有…