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委托投票中存在的问题及对策 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
在选举县、乡人大代表时,《选举法》规定了委托投票制度。该法第三十八条规定:“选民如果在选举期间外出,经选举委员会同意,可以书面委托其他选民代为投票。每一选民接受的委托不得超过三人。”这一制度的实行,对于保障因外出务工经商等原因不能亲 相似文献
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伏军 《西南政法大学学报》2005,7(4):69-76
公司投票代理权制度是现代公司治理中的一项重要法律制度,美、德、日等许多西方发达国家均已建立起本国的投票代理权制度。通过对发达国家的投票代理权制度比较研究不难发现,该制度的有效运作需以分散化公司股权结构为前提条件。我国上市公司已开始呈现股权分散化发展趋势,建立和完善我国投票代理权制度具有重要的现实意义。构建我国投票代理权制度时应考虑确立备案制监管模式、明确信息披露的要求、禁止有偿征集、充分保护股东建议权、明确有效委托方式并建立虚假陈述责任制度。 相似文献
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2006年11月8日,中共中央总书记、国家主席、中央军委主席胡锦涛来到北京西城区中南海选区怀仁堂投票站。他按照选举程序领取了一张选票,在选票处认真填写,并走到票箱前郑重地投下了这一票。江泽民、吴邦国、温家宝、贾庆林等,分别在各自选区参加了投票或委托他人投票,选举所在地的区人大代表。 相似文献
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理性、情感与社会规范——村民投票行为的三维解释 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
村民的投票行为是理性、情感与社会规范共同支配和控制的结果。村民是否参与投票,最终是根据成本收益的比较分析做出的决策;没有情感的推动,村民不会去参与投票;基于农村宗族、社会关系、道德等因素形成的社会规范也影响着村民的投票行为。因此,从理性、情感和社会规范三方面客观分析村民的投票行为并做出相应的制度规范,将有利于农村基层民主政治建设的有效运行。 相似文献
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股东代理权征集对上市公司治理具有"双刃剑"的作用,其优势与弊端共存的特性使其更需严格规制以防止被滥用。从法理层面进行分析、并结合以往征集投票权实践所暴露的问题可知,新《证券法》第90条相比以前法律规范虽有重大进步,但仍存在对代理权征集滥用规制的不足。可以运用代理人道德风险理论、信义义务理论解释和规制代理权征集滥用行为。分析新《证券法》第90条规定可知,对征集人资格、条件和行使权利程序规定的不足,对征集过程中信息披露和违法征集损害赔偿责任等事项的粗放式规定都可能带来代理权征集的滥用。为了更有效地规制代理权征集滥用行为,应从限缩征集人资格和条件、确立代理权征集决策程序的内部控制机制、强制披露包括征集目的在内的法定信息披露制度和差异化信息披露制度、实施证券"看门人"见证制度等入手,进一步完善新《证券法》第90条规定和加强对代理权征集滥用的规制。 相似文献
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在学界和社会各界的呼吁下,2005年公司法修订时引入了任意性累积投票制。累积投票制作为公司董事、监事的选举制度,目的是为了保护少数股东的权利。虽然立法上采取了任意性累积投票制,但实践中绝大多数样本上市公司实施了累积投票制,这与监管机构和证券交易所对累积投票制倾向于采取强制主义的态度是分不开的。实证数据显示,一方面在目前的股权结构下累积投票制的实施有很强的现实意义,另一方面累积投票制在上市公司中未能得以有效实施。存在诸多有待解决的影响累积投票制有效实施的问题,包括等额选举、股东大会会议出席率低以及表决权的不当行使等实践层面的问题,也包括提名资格限制、当选原则、选举方法以及独立董事、非独立董事和监事分别选举等制度层面的问题。从数学的角度分析,累积投票制在我国上市公司中存在实施的空间和价值。 相似文献
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A number of authors have proposed that firms can internalize externalities through their shareholders. This paper investigates this proposition, focusing on public bads. Theoretically it is, indeed, possible that shareholders decide that the firm reduces its public bads at the cost of profits, thereby increasing Pareto-efficiency. One of the factors which help determine the size of the reduction is the number of shareholders with a (very) small stake in the firm. The greater this number, the greater the reduction will tend to be. It is shown that the reduction in public bads can be reversed by takeovers, but under special conditions only while takeover defences may also be used. Unfortunately, there are a number of factors which significantly limit the internalization of external effects in practice. The paper also discusses a change in the legal share-voting system whereby the direct owners of the shares (i.e., the shareholders) no longer possess, in their capacity of direct owners, the legal right to vote at the General Meetings of firm owners. Instead, these rights become the property of the beneficial owners of the shares (i.e., the people who ultimately provided the money to buy the shares), but on the condition that they delegate their voting rights to a proxy voting institution. This institutional innovation may significantly increase the internalization of external effects among other things because many beneficial owners have a tiny stake in the firm. 相似文献
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国际组织中的多数决新解 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
多数决系一种被国际组织广为采用的表决机制,学界对它的褒贬相别相异。从国际民主的视角出发,深入分析简单多数决与绝对多数决对于提高国际组织决策正确概率的差异,并导入“变动多数原则”。对于国际组织有效发挥全球共治之机构载体的功效,以及构筑和谐的国际组织文化,具有重要的理论和现实意义。 相似文献
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In this paper, we attempt to clarify some of the confusion that surrounds the measurement of racially polarized voting. This clarification is necessary because the determination of whether or not racially polarized voting exists is often a critical component of the evidence presented in Voting Rights Act (Section 2) litigation. We first show that the correlation coefficient should never be used to measure voting polarization by relating the statistic to the individual behavior that it is supposed to be describing. We then compare the estimates of polarized voting that are provided by other commonly used measures with individual behavior in order to show that the Voting Rights disputes of the 1990s will require different and more carefully specified measures than are currently in use. 相似文献
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Is There An Expressive Function of Law? An Empirical Analysis of Voting Laws with Symbolic Fines 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This article empirically investigates whether law affects behaviorbeyond deterrence ("expressive function of law"). With Swisspanel data, I find that the legal abolition of the voting dutysignificantly decreased average turnout, even though the finesfor not voting have only been symbolic. As for the size of Cantonalturnout reduction, it widely differs between the Cantons andis highly correlated with voter participation before the removalof the voting duty. In contrast to the voting duty, the introductionof postal voting did not affect voter turnout in spite of thesubstantial decrease in transaction costs. Therefore, in publicgood areas such as voting, even a sanctionless law targetingat the civic duty might have a bigger impact on behavior thanactions which affect the costs of provision for the public good. 相似文献
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Alison Plumb 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(4):574-584
This research note examines patterns of MPs’ voting behaviour during ‘conscience’ or ‘free’ votes on three ‘morality politics’ issues in the lower house of the New South Wales state parliament in Australia: adoption rights for gay couples; scientists’ use of therapeutic cloning; and the status of the Sydney Medically Supervised Injection Centre. First, the research note reviews the literature on conscience voting and hypothesises that party will be the main predictor of voting patterns, but also establishes that previous studies have almost exclusively focused on national legislatures. Next the research note discusses methodological issues. Third, it presents the analysis of free vote patterns in the New South Wales parliament on the three ‘morality politics’ issues, along four key variables: party; sex; social ideology; and religion. The analysis of voting in the New South Wales parliament challenges existing explanations of free voting, where party is the key predictor of voting patterns. Intra-party unity figures show that party membership is a weaker predictor of voting behaviour in the two main political parties in New South Wales than in either the Australian parliament or in overseas parliaments. It is argued that at the subnational level other factors are more important in explanations of free vote patterns. 相似文献
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张卓明 《南京大学法律评论》2014,(1):3-14
选举权包含多种法规范上的地位和关系,可看作一个有关选举的权利束。按照霍菲尔德的权利理论,可以从权力、自由、豁免和求四个维度来理解选举权。在权力维度上,选举权意味着对授权和代表关系的法律控制力,选民行使选举权的结果便是授权和代表关系的形成、变动和消灭。在自由维度上,选举权意味着个人有权自由地行使选举权力,不受国家、组织和他人的干涉。在豁免维度上,选举权意味着公民有不受约束的选举自由,国家没有不当干预选举自由的权力。求维度的选举权与其他维度的选举权紧密相连,它以选举权之权力、自由和豁免三素为主张对象,在一定意义上,其他维度的选举权只有与求维度的选举权结合起来,才能变得更有力、更具有可实现性。 相似文献