A political culture in exile: The Estonian inter-war generation in Canada and Sweden

Abstract

This article focuses on cultural responses to institutional change. Through a value survey about civic values and perceptions of the state, predictions from rationalism and culturalism are tested on a generation of Estonians. Members of this inter-war generation were socialized during the first Estonian republic in the 1920s and 1930s, but then spent their adult lives in exile in Sweden and Canada. The survey, which was performed in 1998 when the respondents born between 1915–25 were well into their seventies and eighties, shows substantially stronger approval of democratic opportunities and public institutions among Canadian-Estonians in comparison to the Swedish-Estonians. Theoretically, the conclusion drawn is that a modification of the cultural theory resting on the importance of cultural correspondence between the originally socialized culture in the inter-war period and that of the host country is needed in order to make sense of this cultural response pattern.     

Studying the New Constitutionalism: bringing political science back in

Books reviewed in this article:
R. Blackburn, and R. Plant, (eds) Constitutional Reform. London and New York
M. Foley, The Politics of the British Constitution
R. Hazell, (ed.) Constitutional Futures: A History of the Next Ten Years
K. Sutherland, (ed.) The Rape of the Constitution?     

The politics of rebellion and intervention in Ituri:the emergence of a new political complex?

This article offers an interpretation of the present conflictin Ituri based on social analysis. Other than the conventionalaccounts which depart from the presence of foreign troops onCongolese soil, reduce the war to a struggle for natural resourcesor see it as the result of age-old ethnichatreds, the authorstry to place this conflict into its social setting. The centralargument of this article is that the outbreak of violence inIturi has been the result of the exploitation, by local andregional actors, of a deeply rooted local political conflictfor access to land, economic opportunity and political power.Firstly, it is assumed that the destruction of the local socioeconomicfabric and the emergence of ethnicity as the main basis forpolitical mobilization has been the result of a long historicalprocess in which access to land, education, political positionsand economic dominance have played a crucial role. Secondly,it is asserted that, although foreign elements (i.e. the UPDFand RDF, formerly RPA) have contributed significantly to theescalation of the political crisis in Ituri, the war has alsoprovided a perfect platform for local political and economicactors to redefine their position in this new political andeconomic landscape. Eventually, this emerging political complexhas led to the development of a new political economy whichis characterized by a shift from traditional to military rule,to privatized, non-territorial networks of economic control,and to the consolidation of ethnic bonds in the economic andpolitical sphere.     

Imagining Europe: political identity and British television coverage of the European economy

The article considers European economic news coverage on British television and its relationship with the UK public's perceptions of and identity with Europe. Stress is placed on the symbolic content of news about Europe; stories about the economic entitlements offered to citizens within the European Union; and portrayal of material benefits or losses for Britain. The results suggest that coverage offers mixed signals about Europe. As yet, they offer an unlikely platform for the development in the United Kingdom of European solidarity or identity. The results are assessed in the light of the way journalists approach political issues. The implications for statistical modelling of the media's relationship with attitudes towards Europe are also considered.     

Theories on Central Asian factionalism: the debate in political science and its wider implications

Factionalism, in all its forms, has created an obstacle to achieving progressive reforms in Central Asia. Recent research in political science has examined different kinds of factionalism in the region and what impact they have on the government structure and decision-making processes. This article focuses on a debate between ‘regional’ vs ‘clan’ models of factionalism. It explores the different approaches while examining the implicit assumptions made in these arguments. Although these studies have provided valuable information and concepts, an interdisciplinary approach may bring further insights. Anthropological studies are juxtaposed to the political science models to present an alternative view, which also contributes to broaden the debate by considering a variety of meanings. Labels such as ‘regional’ or ‘clan’ conceal the complexity of relationships. Everyday experiences need to be analysed alongside the political interpretations of these relationships.     

Continuity in Islamic political philosophy: the role of myth

There is an essential continuity between Islamic political philosophy in the Middle Ages and today. Political philosophers in the Middle Ages explained and justified the use of mythical stories by rulers to motivate the whole of the community to behave in appropriate ways. They argued, basing themselves to a degree on their understanding of Plato, that not everyone is capable of really comprehending the reasons for certain aspects of political necessity, and so they should be led to obedience of civil law by being told stories which represent in more vivid and imaginative form the rewards and penalties which exist with respect to the law. It has often been argued that these philosophers, ranging from al‐Farabi to Ibn Rushd, were dissimulating their genuine heterodox views on the relationship between Islam and the state by arguing for the use of stories and allegories to persuade the masses that they ought to act in particular ways, while the intellectual élite can be provided with rational explanations for political action. It will be argued that contemporary and recent political writers in the Islamic world of the Middle East speak and write in a manner very similar to that of their medieval predecessors, especially when it is a matter of distinguishing between an élite and the common people, and some resemblances between political and social conditions today and in the medieval world of Islam will be drawn to try to account for this similarity and continuity.     

China's political discourse towards the 21st century: Victimhood, identity, and political power

Political discourse is critical to the legitimisation of China's ruling elite and critically informs its formulation and execution of political action. This study explores the theme of victimhood in China's contemporary political discourse. The constructed nature of political discourse—the ‘official story’ in Benedict Anderson's phrase—draws upon a range of supporting sources. Of central importance is the role of history and one of its key features is the portrayal of China as victim. This offers a distinctive pole of identificatory attachment for the construction of a modernist reading of national Chinese political identity. The study conducts discourse analyses of three primary texts. It is concluded that objectified discursive power remains an influential factor in Chinese politics. “Without legitimacy, words are invalid; invalid words lead man to nowhere” (Mingbuzheng zhe yanbushun; yanbushun zhe shibucheng)—Confucius This paper was presented at the 10th Anniversary Conference of the American Association of Chinese Studies, Washington D.C., 16–17 April 1999. The authors would like to thank their panel discussants, Professor Peter Li and Dr. Gary Rawnsley, for their comments and suggestions on this paper.