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"关于与缅甸的合作,中国政府的态度非常明确。中国政府从来不允许中国公民越境到缅甸从事非法伐木。"中国外交部发言人姜瑜在2007年5月31日举行的例行记者会上表示,"中缅两国政府加强边境管理,打击包括非法伐木在内的各种违法犯罪活动,并取得明显成效。" 相似文献
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从绝望的非洲到非洲崛起,从游猎和人道主义救援场所到赚钱的地方,过去10年间,世界特别是西方不断转变着看待非洲的眼光。当欧美国家为金融危机焦头烂额,欧洲可能还需10年才能复苏,面积相当于3个中国、10个印度的非洲,正凭借出售石油、天然气及矿产等原料—更为重要的是持续增长的巨大内需,驱动着GDP7%的高增速,并且能在未来10几年保持这个速度。非洲联盟前主席让·平(Jean Ping)6月在北京发言称:已有13个非洲国家的平均增速在6%~11%之间,加纳的经济增速达到14%。埃塞俄比亚没有石油、没有矿产,也能达到超过10%的经济增速。 相似文献
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巴西:暴力泛滥未有终 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
巴西刑事犯罪现象的严重程度,是世界上少见的.巴西参议院议长雅德尔·巴尔巴略最近指出:政府需要采取措施.因为在每一次民意调查中,公共安全总是人们最关心的事情.虽然巴西政府也采取了一些措施,但收效甚微. 相似文献
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伊丽莎白.柯卡姆刘毅强汤潇敏 《国际展望》2013,(2):52-66
尽管国际社会管理常规武器非法转让的努力从未停止,但相关的成就却乏善可陈。作者回顾了联合国武器贸易条约历时六年的制定进程,并深入考察了中国在此期间的立场演变,即从最初的迟疑逐渐向积极支持和参与谈判的转变。中国的立场转变非常明确地体现在2012年7月联合国《武器贸易条约》外交大会的具体谈判中,特别表现为其灵活性和建设性。尽管《武器贸易条约》的缔结最终因美国反对而失败,但中国及其他国家的后续努力仍推动了2013年3月18—28日的条约终期谈判得以举行。尽管仍面临严峻挑战,但中国的建设性态度必然会贡献于更大的集体努力,以全力解决谈判遗留的关键性问题,力争早日达成一项强大而有力的《武器贸易条约》。 相似文献
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走下神坛的OICW OICW(理想单兵战斗武器Objective In-dividual Combat Weapon)这个概念已经炒作了将近十年,美国在20世纪90年代初就在JSSAP(Joint Setvice Small Arms MasterPlan——三军轻武器总规划)框架内,考虑研制突击步枪和榴弹发射器合一的步兵武器。多年的炒作中,人们已经不由自主的将OICW视为步兵单兵武器的一次革命,但从美军为OICW系统做下的定义和未来装备计划等各方面情况来看,OICW远称不上是一次革命,至多只是一次不错的改良。首先,它的基本结构 相似文献
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Lorenzo Cotula Carlos Oya Emmanuel A. Codjoe Abdurehman Eid Mark Kakraba-Ampeh James Keeley 《发展研究杂志》2014,50(7):903-925
AbstractDespite much research on large land deals for plantation agriculture in Africa, reliable data remain elusive, partly because of limited access to information and practical and methodological challenges. International debates are still shaped by misperceptions about how much land is being acquired, where, by whom, how and with what consequences. This article aims empirically to test some common perceptions through an analysis of findings from research conducted in three African countries: Ethiopia, Ghana, and Tanzania. The article presents new evidence on the scale, geography, drivers and features of land deals, relates findings to data from earlier research and international efforts to monitor land deals, and outlines possible ways forward for ongoing monitoring of the deals. 相似文献
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日益猖獗的日本社会犯罪 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
35年来我一直从事远洋运输经营管理业务多次去日本商务旅行,结交了不少日本朋友, 我常常从日本国内媒体上和日本朋友那里听说,在过去的10年中,日本的犯罪率增加50%,日本警示厅的最新统计表明,日本的暴力犯罪发案率目前是日本过去23年的最高峰,其中不乏凶杀,强奸,纵火,偷盗,诈骗,绑架等,尤其近几年暴力犯罪的增长令日本朝野十分紧张. 相似文献
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Rhys Jenkins 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(1):60-79
South Africa has become increasingly integrated with the global economy since the early 1990s and particularly after the ending of apartheid. However this has not been associated with increased employment and high levels of unemployment are a major economic and social problem. The paper considers the impact of trade and technological change on both the level and skill composition of manufacturing employment. First a Chenery-type decomposition analysis of employment change is carried out and then labour demand functions are estimated econometrically. Both trade and technology are found to have had a negative impact on employment but these are only partial explanations of the low rate of employment growth. 相似文献
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Anna Stavrianakis 《Third world quarterly》2016,37(5):840-865
Post-cold war efforts to knit together human rights and international humanitarian law in pursuit of tougher arms transfer control reached their apogee in the UN Arms Trade Treaty (ATT). In contrast to dominant accounts based on human security norms, I argue that a key effect of the ATT is to legitimise liberal forms of militarism. During negotiations the US and UK governments justified their arms export practices in terms of morality, responsibility and legitimacy. More broadly their arms transfer practices are explained away by reference to national regulatory regimes that exceed the standards set out in the ATT. Arms transfers to Egypt and intra-Western transfers illustrate the way these justifications and regimes serve to shield US–UK weapons transfers and use from scrutiny and accountability. Rather than signalling the victory of human security, the ATT is better understood as facilitating the mobilisation of legitimacy for contemporary liberal forms of war fighting and war preparation. 相似文献
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