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Adrian Hyde-Price 《European Security》2013,22(4):323-343
This article examines post-cold war European attitudes to the use of force, focusing on the UK, France, Germany and Poland. It argues that European strategic culture reflects the security environment of the second half of the Twentieth century, and increasingly acts as an impediment to developing new European security strategies relevant to the early twenty-first century. The author argues that new thinking about security and strategy is required in Europe, and suggests six principles that should inform a revised European security strategy appropriate to the post-9/11 world. 相似文献
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Louis Klarevas 《国际研究展望》2002,3(4):417-437
It is a commonly held belief that the foreign policy issue to which the American public is most sensitive is the use of military force. Because American public opinion regarding the use of force is highly palpable, salient, and organized, and because decisions regarding the use of force are some of the most important decisions the nation ever has to consider, the analysis of public opinion regarding military involvement is academically significant and policy relevant. The indication from policymakers is that American military operations require public support. As a result, scholars and analysts have come to realize that public opinion is the "essential domino" of military operations. The relationship between mass American public opinion and the use of military force has become, therefore, the focus of numerous studies and surveys. There are currently several competing explanations—schools of thought—in the literature on why the mass public supports the use of force. This article is an attempt to identify the most prominent schools of thought on public opinion and the use of force, and the central factors associated with each school. Such a review is important to generating policy–relevant guidance pertaining to public opinion and the use of force—an objective made more pressing by the current war against terrorism. 相似文献
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Paolo Cecchini 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2013,48(3):27-36
The Bush administration has been too quick to dismiss containment as an obsolete hangover of the Cold War. Appropriately modified to operate through international institutions and regional alliances, containment provides the most viable available basis for responding to terrorist threats emanating from rogue regimes and weak states. 相似文献
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The multifaceted engagement between India and the European Union (EU) has grown exponentially in recent years, leading to a strategic partnership, which is one of the three that the EU has in Asia. Based on a content analysis of three prominent Indian newspapers, which were monitored on a daily basis for a period of 6 months (1 July–31 December 2009), and interviews conducted with political, business, media, and civil society “elites,” this article seeks to analyze and assess the perceptions of the EU in India. 相似文献
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Clara Portela 《Asia Europe Journal》2010,8(2):149-160
The article examines the external image of the EU among elites in five selected Southeast Asian countries: Malaysia, Thailand, Vietnam, Singapore and the Philippines. Southeast Asia offers an interesting area for examining perceptions. Firstly, this region is linked to Europe by a long-standing and prosperous trade relationship. Secondly, the Association of South East Asian Nations has embarked on a process of deepening integration, adopting certain elements of the EU in its design. How desirable is the EU experience as an example of how to deepen integration? And how are EU external policies such as trade, human rights and environment perceived by stakeholders in the region? The article analyses perceptions on the themes of integration and external polices, contrasting them with the scholarly understandings of the EU as a ‘benign’ actor, notably the notions of ‘normative’, ‘civilian’ and ‘soft’ power. 相似文献
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Kenneth A. Reinert 《Asia Europe Journal》2007,5(3):317-330
Agriculture has been the most contentious issue in the Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations, and the European Union
(EU) intervenes substantially in agricultural markets. This paper reviews these interventions in light of the EU’s participation
in the Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations with specific attention to Asia. It concludes that the offers made by
the EU were designed precisely to avoid any real liberalization in its agricultural markets and have undermined the development
aspirations of the round.
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Kenneth A. ReinertEmail: |
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Leslie S. Lebl Author Vitae 《Orbis》2006,50(1):117-132
The past year saw growing uncertainty about the future of the European Union. Whether it becomes weaker or stronger, and whether it acts as a global partner or competitor, the United States cannot afford to ignore the eu. By understanding the different eu decision-making processes for defense, foreign policy, counterterrorism, and economic issues, the United States can do a better job of advancing its interests in Europe. 相似文献
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《现代国际关系(英文版)》2016,(5):16-21
In the past few years,the European Union has been plagued by difficulties from both the interior and exterior.The situation has grown worse recently with crises and overlapping problems:Brexit,the refugee crisis,the banking crisis.The EU is like a great mansion on the point of collapse. 相似文献
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<里斯本条约>改革的核心实际上在于政治层面,从此欧洲一体化的重心从经济联盟转向了政治联盟的建设.政治联盟的建设主要体现在制度设计上,里约对欧盟进行了不少重要的制度创新和制度调整.里约改革使得原有的国家与超国家欧洲一体化分析范式面临挑战,国家与超国家的区分在新的欧盟中不再那么明显.把里约后的欧盟理解为一个超级国家,也许更能反映里约改革的真正意图. 相似文献
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Alasdair Blair 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2001,12(3):139-158
Despite the burgeoning literature devoted to the European Union, there has been little scholarly attention devoted to the role of EU permanent representations and the degree to which they act as a linkage between member states and EU institutions. This article attempts to address this gap by focusing upon the structures, tasks and activities of permanent representations. 相似文献
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Lynn Dobson 《Global Society》2004,18(1):43-60
The European Union's features make it not only distinctive but to some extent qualitatively different from familiar "state'' or " "international association'' models of political organisation. For these reasons, an understanding of its moral role cannot draw with facility on the theories developed for them. The European Union is, nonetheless, a structure of political authority, and as such cannot escape normative imperatives. The problem is how best to conceptualise them. The paper indicates some of the difficulties in assigning duties to EU institutions. Drawing on ideas in the moral philosophy of Alan Gewirth, it sketches a theoretical framework within which moral questions pertaining to the European Union (and perhaps other non-standard political entities) may be addressed. 相似文献