欧盟东扩对俄罗斯与欧盟经济关系的影响

苏联解体、东欧剧变以来,俄罗斯及中、东欧国家与欧盟的经济联系日益密切。2004年,欧盟东扩将绝大多数中、东欧国家纳入欧盟共同市场,这势必影响到俄罗斯与欧盟的经济关系。从近期来看,由于俄罗斯与欧盟及中、东欧国家之间的经济关系主要体现在能源合作方面,因此,东扩对俄罗斯与欧盟经济关系的影响不大。然而,从长期看,由于欧盟东扩使欧盟与中、东欧国家经济合作的进一步加强,以及欧盟作为一个区域经济集团不可避免的排他性,都可能对俄罗斯与欧盟的经济关系产生负面影响。     

欧盟东扩与利益均衡

欧盟从1993年哥本哈根首脑会议最初提出东扩构想到2003年4月10个中东欧国家在希腊的雅典正式签署入盟协议,欧盟东扩经历了一个曲折复杂的演进过程,并且至今依然面临着诸多现实困难和挑战。东扩在对中东欧国家的政治经济制度转型产生巨大促进作用的同时也给现有成员国和中东欧候选国带来利益期盼和差异。     

后冷战欧洲界定与欧盟东扩

20世纪90年代,面对冷战结束所致的东欧剧变,欧盟推出了东扩计划,并经1993年哥本哈根、1997年阿姆斯特丹和1999年赫尔辛基欧盟峰会,确定了第一轮和第二轮入盟候选国.2000年12月尼斯欧盟首脑会议通过了旨在推动欧洲一体化、适应东扩的欧盟机构改革方案.综观近十年欧盟东扩计划形成过程,欧盟东扩在一定程度上受到后冷战欧洲界定、欧洲(文化)认同的反思影响,而欧盟东扩同后冷战欧洲界定有着内在的联系.     

文化认同建构在欧盟一体化进程中的作用及其对东盟的启示

从成立于20世纪50年代的欧洲煤钢共同体发展到今天,欧盟一体化程度走在世界各区域一体化的前列,其推进的深度和广度令世人瞩目。文化认同建构在欧盟一体化进程中发挥着重要作用。他山之石可以攻玉,欧盟文化一体化进程对正在建设中的东盟有着重要的借鉴和启示意义。     

欧盟扩大新战略：变“吸纳”为“融合”

2006年11月8日,欧盟委员会发表了入盟谈判的年度评估报告,对欧盟与土耳其和6个巴尔干国家的谈判进程进行了阶段性评估,并在附件中提出了欧盟未来扩大的新战略。新战略称,欧盟今后的扩大进程会更趋谨慎、缓慢,接纳新成员将视自身的“融合能力”而定,即需同时满足三个条件:一是候     

EU Social policies: Challenges and opportunities for Italy

The European Council's 2008 ‘Immigration Pact’ has been touted by its main protagonist, the French government, as a turning point in EU migration policymaking. In one respect at least, the French are not exaggerating. The Pact represents a challenge to a key assumption underpinning European integration, namely that communitarised policymaking procedures are the best means of achieving truly common policies: Paris presented the intergovernmental Pact as a means of succeeding where communitarised decision-making has failed – in achieving the goal of a coherent common migration policy. However, analysis shows the French claims to be largely unfounded: although the European Council might theoretically have played a useful role here, in practice its efforts will add little to the achievement of a truly common policy.     

北约欧盟双东扩:俄罗斯不同对策及其原因分析

俄罗斯对待北约东扩和欧盟东扩的态度与对策既是不同的,也是变化的,原则上俄反对前者而支持后者。这既源于北约、欧盟作为国际组织的性质、主导力量和所体现的对俄政策的不同,也因为俄亲欧防美、分化欧美的外交战略和外交策略考量。北约、欧盟东扩不会停止,俄罗斯也不会甘拜下风。从长远发展观点来看,俄罗斯加入欧盟的可能性要大于加入北约,但也绝非近期之事。     

Beyond Consociational Theory: Identity in Northern Ireland and Brussels

This article analyzes the potential for consociational power sharing to pave the way for the formation of a shared identity in divided societies. It compares consociational arrangements in Northern Ireland and Brussels and argues that if this is achievable it will be demonstrated in the more liberal case of the former, rather than the corporate case of the latter. In concluding that greater intergroup engagement is occurring in Brussels than in Northern Ireland, this article challenges the ability of consociationalism to mitigate identities and looks to other factors to explain this finding.     

Groups Work for Women: Gender and Group Identity in Social Dilemmas

Behavior in social-dilemma (mixed-motive) situations has been of great interest to economists, psychologists, and negotiation scholars. In this study, we used a threshold social-dilemma game to examine factors that have not yet been investigated and that may have an impact on behavior in these settings: gender and group identity. We found that, for women, interacting with members of a naturally occurring group increased coordination and efficiency, while for men, interacting with members of a naturally occurring group decreased coordination and efficiency. Psychological literature on gender differences and group interdependence explains these differences. We conclude by discussing the implications of these results for gender differences in negotiation behavior.     

集体身份认同与跨国区域社会共同体的建构——关于东亚社会共同体建设的思考

集体身份是每一个社会成员必然拥有的社会角色,对某种集体身份的认同或排斥是选择的结果。在日益多元化的现代社会,集体身份认同的状况直接影响着社会整合的成功与失败。对于区域性国际社会成员而言,国家认同和跨国社会共同体认同是最重要的集体身份认同。这两种集体身份认同之间存在着复杂微妙的关系,并对地区局势乃至全球国际关系产生重大影响。东亚共同体建设有着广泛而深刻的身份认同基础,但这种认同也面临着巨大的挑战,存在着退化的风险。在目前日趋复杂和严峻的国际局势下,东亚一体化进程可以采取多轨道、多线路、多层次、多领域、以小促大、以民促官的方式逐步推进。其中,培养东亚各国及其国民的集体身份认同和构建东亚社会共同体最为关键。     

The Social Construction of Identity: Israeli Foreign Policy and the 2006 War in Lebanon

This article uses a constructivist analysis to consider the social construction of identity and the Israeli military action in Lebanon in 2006. Strands of meaning, constructive of a collective sense of self, emerged out of historical continuities, interacted and were made meaningful in relation to each other around the issue of the Hezbollah threat in 2006. They framed, contextualised and constituted that policy issue to form a situated and contingent identity of the possible, within which the policy decisions that produced the second Lebanon War were taken. Whilst a body of work has resulted from engagement with this conflict, and a well established literature discusses Israeli identity, little has been done to bring the two together and consider in detail the role of identity in constructing the 2006 war as possible and desirable for Israel. This is the focus and contribution of this article. Domestically, the institutional context of the 2006 Knesset elections revealed a national identity in which the multi-faceted vulnerability identity and Fighting Jew identity were salient, interacting strands. The narratives of ordeal, existential threat, and self-reliance acted to increase the power of the Fighting Jew identity, predicated on a faith in military solutions to threats. These ideas came up against and were rearticulated in the context of the global “War on Terror” to make the war in 2006 both possible and desirable.     

欧盟对印关系初探

欧印关系近年来突飞猛进,从开启首脑对话大门到确立战略伙伴关系,相隔不过4年时间。如今,双方在政治、经济、社会领域互动频繁,经济关系发展迅猛,战略伙伴关系正在落实。作为双方关系主要塑造者的欧盟,选择印度为外交重点出于三方面原因:发展到特定阶段的自然要求、现实利益驱动和战略上的考虑。欧盟与印度建立战略伙伴关系,不仅使欧印双方得益,而且对当前世界格局产生越来越显著的影响。     

Domestic and International Politics during an EU Intergovernmental Conference: Bridging the Gap between Negotiation Theory and Practice

This article describes selective results of a large-scale study of within-governmental coordination processes and international negotiations. We examined a European Union intergovernmental conference (IGC), the so-called IGC 1996, which led to the Amsterdam Treaty, from a quantitative negotiation analysis perspective. Our focus of attention has been the embeddedness of international negotiations within formal governmental organizations and within informal communication networks. We have identified the relative impact on negotiation dynamics and on negotiation performance of each of the parties by using various statistical techniques. We argue that such insights can be used for a research-based consulting in which social scientists respond to practitioners'"what-if" questions with evidence-based simulations and scenarios.     

欧盟一体化与多极化

经过半个世纪的艰苦努力,且不断从理论和实践两个层面的总结,加之欧盟以一体化的形式在欧洲加快内外整合,欧盟终于成为面貌发生重大变化的主权国家联合体。它以其成功经验提出治理全球的“欧洲理念”,欲在国际关系中扮演“一流角色”、“稳定器”和“方向标”。“欧洲理念”与美国的单边主义发生“大碰撞”,在理念、国际法、外交改革、经贸等6个方面发生歧见,对此应予实事求是的估量。大量事实证明,欧盟在国际关系中所起的独特和制衡作用,表明一体化与多极化进程并行不悖。     

北约与俄欧关系

冷战后,北约作为世界上最强大的政治军事联盟,通过东扩、科索沃战争及俄罗斯-北约合作机制的建立,继续保持了对俄欧关系的重大影响。由于俄欧关系和俄北关系之间存在着互动关系,俄为保证优先发展对欧关系的方针取得成功,必须同时加强与北约的关系。从俄罗斯、欧盟、北约和美国等彼此间的复杂关系看,俄欧关系的发展可进一步推动俄北合作关系机制化,并降低北约作为美国全球战略工具的作用。但由于战略和经济上的分歧与矛盾,俄欧合作存在明显的局限性,这将导致俄欧关系在上述方面的影响力和作用受到较大限制。     

欧盟:挫折与反思

近一年欧盟遭受连串挫折,宪法条约批准进程受阻,经济总体低迷,"法德轴心"作用下降,凝聚力减弱,成员国社会不稳定因素突显.欧盟一体化建设陷入低潮.但欧洲一体化进程已成历史潮流,也是欧洲前途所系.欧盟为防止本身一体化事业的后退和失败,正在进行反思与调整,以走出困境,重新走上健康发展的轨道.     

EU Security Strategy

The European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) comprises an important part of the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The aim of ESDP is to strengthen the EU's external ability to act through the development of civilian and military capabilities for international conflict prevention and crisis management. In December 2003, the EU adopted its first European Security Strategy (ESS). Ever since then, the implementation of the ESS has been regarded as one of the biggest challenges for the EU in CFSP/ESDP matters. Although much progress has been made in its independent security and defence-building process, EU still faces serious problems and difficulties in this policy area. This paper tries to examine these recent developments, assess their impacts in regional-global security, and analyze existing problems and future trends. Finally, the author also examines EU-China engagements in recent years and explores possibilities for their future cooperation in the area of international security.