The effect of alliance membership on national defense burdens, 1953–88: A test of Mancur Olson's theory of collective action

Olson and Zeckhauser (1966) offered the first theoretical explanation for variation in the defense burdens of allies. Since then, the theory of collective action (Olson, 1971 [1965]) has been extensively tested using the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the Warsaw Pact (WTO). While most studies indicate that allied defense burdens (the ratio of military expenditures to gross domestic product) are correlated with economic size, this relationship has rarely been assessed for non‐allied states. Here we examine the association between national defense burdens and economic size, 1953–1988, for NATO, the WTO, the Rio Pact, and the Arab Collective Security Pact in a nested test using most of the non‐allied nations of the world as a control group. Our results generally support the theory. NATO and the Warsaw Pact consistently conform to theoretical expectations, and evidence regarding the Rio Pact, on balance, is positive. Defense burdens are not correlated with economic size within the Arab Pact, however. In addition, nations’ defense burdens are affected by the external threat, as indicated by arms races and war; but the effect of involvement in war is surprisingly small.     

Regional public goods and international organizations

This article focuses on the provision prognosis for regional public goods (RPGs) and the role of international organizations in fostering supply in developing countries. All three properties of publicness—i.e., nonrivalry of benefits, nonexcludability of nonpayers, and the aggregation technology—play a role in this prognosis. The paper highlights many provision impediments, not faced by national or global public goods. When intervention is necessary, the analysis distinguishes the role of global, regional, and other institutional arrangements (e.g., networks and public-private partnerships). The pros and cons of subsidiarity are addressed. JEL codes H87 · O18 · R58     

European security policy for the people? Public opinion and the EU's Common Foreign,Security and Defence policy

The democratic foundations of European integration in the foreign and defence realm are increasingly being debated. This article looks at the question of democratic legitimacy from one particular angle, by examining public opinion as measured in Eurobarometer surveys between 1989 and 2009. Based on reflections about the relation between polling results and wider questions of democracy, it examines three aspects of public opinion: general support for a common foreign and a common defence policy; differences among support rates in EU member states; and what roles Europeans would prefer for European armed forces. It turns out that general support for a common foreign policy is high, whereas the desirability of a common defence policy is much more contested. Moreover, citizens across Europe would prefer European armed forces to take on traditional tasks, as territorial defence. An EU defence policy that goes beyond strict intergovernmentalism and is directed towards protecting international law and universal human rights would thus require a significant communicative effort to become accepted.     

论能源安全的公共产品属性与能源安全共同体构建

能源资源是大自然对人类社会的馈赠,本质上是各国和人民都有权享受的公共资源,对这种权利的安全保障是能源安全的应有之义。能源安全本质上是一项公共产品,突出能源安全的公共属性有助于能源安全的不断完善,有助于世界经济的发展和人类福祉的提高。从国家能源安全、区域能源安全到全球能源安全,国际能源安全的公共属性不断加强。国际能源安全公共属性特征的变化为\"能源安全共同体\"的形成创造了客观条件,国际社会各行为体有必要在主观认识上朝构建\"能源安全共同体\"的方向努力。\"能源安全共同体\"建构可从区域经济一体化开始,强化区域经济一体化组织成员对共同体的认识,把能源安全作为实现区域一体化的又一重要抓手,改革、完善和创新有关国际组织和机制,通过\"政府间主义\"—\"跨国家主义\"—\"超国家主义\"的路径演变逻辑,通过功能主义的纵向整合,构建层次递进的国际能源安全共同体。     

US mainland,EU archipelago? Convergence and divergence on transnational organized crime

The fight against organized crime has become a top security priority for the European Union (EU). While a new policy area is emerging, it is difficult to understand who is in lead and how the process develops. This article delves into the post-Lisbon EU security model, exploring how Washington and Brussels collaborate in combating organized crime in a context of changing definitions, actors and policies. It argues that US definitions, operational models and policies influence EU institutional thinking and policies, shifting the emphasis from prevention and rule of law to execution and intelligence. The dynamics of policy convergence and divergence on criminal matters in the transatlantic community reflect tectonic shifts in the deepest levels of thinking security in the West, affecting the moulding of a European security identity.     

EU police and judicial cooperation before the Treaty of Lisbon: strengthening of the weakest link?

Abstract

Three key questions arise from the encroachment of the European Union (EU) on national prerogatives in the administration of justice: What factors contribute to the weakest link collective action problem attending police and judicial cooperation within the EU? What were the substantive and institutional goals of the EU in this policy domain? What accounts for the rising level of police and judicial cooperation despite the persistence of barriers to cooperation and incentives to defect? This article first establishes the fundamental incentives and obstacles to cooperation in matters of transnational security threats in post-Westphalian Europe. It then proceeds to explore the evolution of police and judicial cooperation in Justice and Home Affairs between 1999 and 2009, to assess national contributions to police and judicial cooperation, and to consider the potential impact that the changes introduced by the Lisbon Treaty, Stockholm Programme and European Investigation Order. A final question is considered in the conclusion: Did the level and extent of police and judicial cooperation that emerged between 1999 and 2009 give rise to a community of practice that in turn fostered a nascent community of identity resilient enough to mitigate the weakest link technology of public goods production endemic to this policy domain?     

全球安全倡议与国际安全公共产品的供应创新

百年未有之大变局下,和平赤字不断加深,安全赤字日益凸显,集中表现为国际安全公共产品的供应赤字,覆盖理念逻辑、器物基础和制度设计等所有维度。全球安全倡议是中国为国际社会提供的重要公共产品,可为有效缓解上述赤字作出贡献：理念逻辑方面,全球安全倡议坚持共同安全观和可持续安全观,可改善国际安全公共产品供应的空间公共性和时间可持续性;器物基础方面,全球安全倡议坚持合作安全观,通过应用加总技术和单边匹配效应实现成本管理创新,可动员更为充分、优质和稳定的国际安全公共产品供应;制度建设方面,全球安全倡议坚持共商共建共享的全球治理观,倡导基于能力比较优势的供应分工合作,以联合国为核心构建多层次和多样化的供应制度复合体,推动全球安全共同体构建。全球安全倡议是中国特色国际公共产品的有机组成部分,在有效揭示西方主流理论误导性的同时,也指明了理论重构的正确方向。     

亚洲安全新格局的历史性建构*

冷战结束尤其是2014年后,美国对亚洲安全事务的影响和作用总体有所降低,中国参与、贡献和引领亚洲安全新格局构建的地位和作用上升。中国、美国及地区国家深度博弈,多数国家期待建立一个全面、有效、可被广泛接受的亚洲安全新格局。当前,亚洲安全格局存在着时空错位、理念分歧、结构冲突、机制分散等四大关联交互的突出问题,导致亚洲安全面临系统困境。从区域公共产品视角看,亚洲安全公共产品供求矛盾日益突出,亟待探索构建亚洲安全新格局。中国应抓住历史机遇,积极发挥在亚洲安全新格局建构中的角色作用,加强理念和方向引领,加强同世界主要力量在地区安全问题上的协调合作,妥善处理地区安全热点问题,加强文明交流互鉴,推动亚洲安全治理机制建设,大力推进亚洲安全合作,努力实现从安全公共产品的消费国向供给国转变,为自身建设发展营造良好外部环境,也为亚洲安全建设和构建亚洲命运共同体、迈向人类命运共同体贡献更大力量。     

The EU's role in developing security cooperation with Myanmar at the ASEAN Regional Forum: 2004–2008

This article tracks the European Union’s efforts at the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Regional Forum (ARF), from 2004 to 2008, to encourage Myanmar directly or indirectly to engage in security cooperation. It, then, explores Myanmar and ASEAN's reactions to the devastation caused by Cyclone Nargis to Myanmar’s Irrawaddy delta in 2008. It focuses on ARF as a forum whereby interactions take place. It examines whether the complementary of the analytical variables provided by the logic of consequences and appropriateness [March, J.G. and Olsen, J.P., 1998. The institutional dynamics of international political orders. Oslo, Arena Working Paper No. 5; 2004. The logic of appropriateness. Oslo, Arena Working Paper No. 9], social mechanisms [Checkel, J., 1999. Social construction and integration. Journal of European public policy, 6 (4), 545–560.] and observations derived from interviews (Southeast Asia and Brussels) can explain ASEAN and Myanmar’s reactions and, also, the EU’s behaviour in relation to the Myanmar-Nargis event. The EU’s role is explored through the co-chair’s summary reports of the meetings that the EU co-chaired with ASEAN. The article uncovers the EU’s efforts to encourage ASEAN to take up responsibilities and Myanmar to accept multilateral security options. It argues that, as the EU tried to inspire Myanmar to connect with cooperation, “Myanmar hit by Cyclone Nargis” motivated the EU Council to include the \"responsibility to protect\" as a new goal of the European foreign and security policy of December 2008.     

国门安全治理的跨界性：双层跨域治理框架

国门安全是指口岸监管部门在进出境口岸通过履行其法定职能和被授权执行的法律法规所维护的国家安全和国家利益没有危险、不受威胁的状态以及在进出境环节维护国家安全的能力。国门安全不仅是国家安全的组成部分,也是保障国家其他方面安全及整个国家安全的重要屏障。国门安全是一种国际性的国内安全,具有跨境性与弥散性、动态性与线流性、建构性与主动性、外溢性与共生性以及虚拟性与无界性的特点,这就使国门安全风险的防控时空从口岸沿着跨境供应链前推后移,进而使国门安全表现出跨国公共产品的属性。各国的国门安全相互依存,国门安全治理日益呈现跨越国家边界、职能边界、层级边界、公私边界和时间边界的跨界性,不断提出国内和国际跨域治理的双重需求。然而,当下的国门安全治理存在着“碎片化”困境,体现为治理部门分散化、政策措施割裂化、政策执行差别化和国家间合作机制扩散拥堵等特点。因此,治理国门安全,应构建国内与国际同构的双层跨域治理框架,国际层面由双边和多边机制构成,国内层面由结构性、程序性和技术性机制组成,以实现对国门安全风险的全过程防控和精准化治理。