全球公域战略与北约安全新理念

“全球公域”系指主权国家管辖之外的人类共有资源、区域与领域。全球公域战略是北约为顺应国际安全形势变化所推出的重要举措,也是其为促进自身转型所采取的关键步骤。在全球公域战略新语境下,北约在继承后冷战时期以“进攻性防御”、“全球性防御”和“预防性防御”为逻辑主线的理念前提下,进一步扬弃创新,继而形成以“综合安全”、“相对安全”与“合作安全”为思想内核的安全新理念。在新战略、新理念的指导下,北约充分动员一切可用的军事和民用资源,审慎而有选择地将有限的力量部署在国际海洋、国际空域、外太空与网络空间等不为任何主权国家所有而全人类安全与繁荣所系之域,以保障其成员国的安全利益与战略优势。面对北约“合作加防范”双轨制全球公域战略,中国宜积极回应、力促合作,同时树立防范意识、加快自身能力建设,在维护国家利益的同时与北约携手为全球公域安全治理贡献力量。     

NATO and the Arctic: is the Atlantic alliance a cold war relic in a peaceful region now faced with non-military challenges?

Abstract

This article analyzes which role the Atlantic Alliance plays in the Arctic and whether it can contribute to the security and territorial integrity of its members in the region. In a dramatic change from the cold war era, the Arctic is no longer at the center of a conflict between two hostile superpowers. But what can a basically military organization such as NATO – though with proven political functions – contribute to stabilizing the Arctic region if its major challenges are non-military? With regional challenges resulting mostly from globalization and climate change, it is open to question whether a military alliance such as NATO has the will and the capability to cope with them. We might thus need to look also at individual members’ interests and abilities besides searching for joint alliance action. If we find NATO not up to the challenges, which alternative institutions offer themselves for coping with the political conflicts and controversies in the Polar region?     

Towards security governance as a critical tool: a conceptual outline

This article argues that security governance can and should be reframed as a critical tool that enables us to understand and reappraise concrete practices of security provision. Security governance needs to move beyond the functional mapping of different governing arrangements and the presumption that security governance leads to effective and legitimate problem-solving in a quasi-automatic manner. In this article, we propose a framework that identifies the essential characteristics of security governance and turns them into critical questions with the aim to reveal persisting frictions and dilemmas. First, we trace the rise of security governance as concept and practice over the past decade and identify its central characteristics with regard to prerequisites, structures and consequences. Second, we reframe the core characteristics of security governance into critical questions and thereby develop an understanding of security governance as a critical tool. Finally, we illustrate the relevance of this approach with examples from EU security governance.     

New threats – different response: EU and NATO and Somali piracy

When the European Union (EU) launched its first military naval mission, EU NAVFOR Somalia, Atalanta, the states who are members of both the EU and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) made a political choice: to prioritize the EU over NATO in their multilateral military efforts to fight piracy and its consequences. Thereby, Atalanta challenges the conventional assumption that EU security cooperation will remain limited. It also challenges the widely held belief that the European states will chose to act through NATO if dealing multilaterally with international security issues. How can we explain this decision? This analysis suggests that it can be explained in two phases where different mechanisms were at work. In the first phase, which can be accounted for from a neo-realist perspective, France, who held the Presidency, used particular favorable geopolitical conditions to put an autonomous EU operation on the agenda. However, agreement on the EU option cannot be explained as a result of strategic bargaining. Instead, in a second phase and in line with an alternative hypothesis building on the theory of communicative action, the EU member states came to support the French suggestion due to legitimacy considerations regarding the legal framework of the two operations.     

对国家安全特点与治理原则的思考

近年来,世界各国越来越重视国家安全问题,并把它放在国家治理中越来越重要的位置,中国也不例外。然而,不少人对国家安全的理解还存在较大偏差,主要表现在要么笼统抽象地谈论国家安全,要么只是关注国家安全的某一个方面,对国家安全涉及问题的系统性讨论不多,即使那些为数不多的讨论也不够全面和深入。有效进行国家安全治理,需要全面、系统和深入地厘清“国家安全”概念的内涵和外延,以及国家安全与其他价值之间的关系,并在此基础上探讨国家安全治理的原则和路径。国家安全是一个内涵极为丰富的概念,具有多面性、关联性、变动性、相对性、非唯一性、主观性和社会性等特征,深入研究和把握国家安全要有总体安全思维,从总体安全的角度全面审视我们面临的挑战,借鉴中外历史经验和教训,并在此基础上加以认真应对。因此,国家安全治理的路径选择至少应遵循总体、全面、兼顾、适度、平衡、顺势与合作等原则。     

北约网络安全战略及其启示

冷战结束后,北约在不断扩大的同时,多次提出“战略新概念”,追求地域扩张和功能深化,寻求在两个维度上实现发展与转型。自2002年布拉格峰会上首次将合作保障网络空间安全列入北约政治议程以来,网络空间安全已经成为北约功能拓展的一个主要方向。网络安全战略基于北约对网络攻击破坏力和网络空间公共性的考虑,已经形成较为完整的政策网络,然而由于各国对未来形势判断不一,这一战略尚未完全定型。理解和分析北约网络安全战略需要理清虚与实、公与私、攻与防、近与远四组关系——它们分别涉及北约确立网络安全战略的原因、战略发展过程中面临的主要挑战、战略未来的发展方向和战略的总体特点,贯穿了北约网络战略发展的始终。作为北约核心成员,美国在北约打造网络战略的整个过程中将扮演关键角色。正因如此,网络安全作为美国与欧洲共同关注的前沿问题,也将为掌握美欧关系动态打开一扇窗口。及时了解北约这一战略及发展方向,对于中国认识北约、理解跨大西洋（美欧）关系、制定本国网络战略和维护网络安全都应有所启示。     

Cosmic top secret Europe? The legacy of North Atlantic Treaty Organization and cold war US policy on European Union information policy

As the EU has expanded its authority into areas of high politics such as monetary, defense, and foreign policy, it has simultaneously developed procedures for handling more sensitive and classified information. These critical policy domains require standards regulating secure information and personnel, but the concept of official secrets is in tension with the treaty norms of the EU. Observers allege that the classified information policy of the EU was imposed through the coercion of external actors such as North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the USA in a significant historical departure from the information security policies of European member states. This article evaluates the content of EU-classified information policies and compares them to the content of European member states, NATO, and the USA, in an effort to clarify the mechanisms of policy diffusion in the area of information security.     

总体国家安全观视阈下的虚假信息研究

虚假信息作为信息操控的重要手段,在国际关系中存在已久。随着信息全球化的深入发展,跨境虚假信息日益泛滥。国际关系学界对于虚假信息的研究尚处于初步阶段,系统性和理论性不足,且充斥西方中心主义思维,甚至成为西方操纵的舆论武器。实际上,虚假信息作为新兴的复合型国家安全威胁,呈现出传统安全与非传统安全交织的特征,是困扰国际社会的一种新生现象。虚假信息对中国国家安全也构成严峻挑战,危害人民安全、政治安全和国家利益。新冠肺炎疫情下的“虚假信息疫情”将这一危害暴露无遗。虚假信息的泛滥有个人心理和社会需求层面的原因,也受信息技术及政治经济利益驱动的影响。当前,虚假信息政治化倾向严重,对国家安全乃至国际安全的挑战日趋复杂严峻。因此,我们必须以贯彻落实总体国家安全观为目标,强化虚假信息治理,有效防范化解虚假信息安全风险。     

Shifting locus of governance? The case of NATO's connected forces initiative

In early 2012, NATO's then-Secretary General, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, unveiled the Connected Forces Initiative (CFI), an effort designed to increase allied interoperability and readiness. Through three lines of effort – training and education, exercises, and better use of technology – the CFI is intended to help the alliance maintain the operational and tactical interoperability it developed in Afghanistan. At first glance, the CFI appears to represent an example of the claims of some neo-institutionalist scholars that there is a shift in the locus of governance from member states to NATO. However, this article takes a deeper look and concludes that in fact the locus of security governance is not shifting, at least not in this instance. Member states of the alliance retain several means of controlling and influencing NATO, thereby preventing it from developing a significant degree of autonomy, in contrast to the European Union or United Nations.     

The Governance of the Chaotic International Security

After the Cold War ended,former traditional security threats withered while non-traditional ones sprouted.More recently as both traditional and non-traditional security threats bloom,concern spreads over whether international security governance can be effective.Worse still,major Western countries' zeal for global governance has cooled,while they turn from being advocates of global governance to obstacles,making the future dimmer.     

The rise and fall of Spain's ‘nuclear exceptionalism’

The present article looks at the evolution of Spanish views on deterrence and non-proliferation. Like every member state of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), Spain is covered by the US nuclear umbrella and has accepted the logic of deterrence, while at the same time maintaining a denuclearised status and committing to the goal of disarmament enshrined in the non-proliferation treaty. This article explores the background of Spain's apparently contradictory situation as a denuclearised member of NATO and how it positions itself in regard to the nuclear question in the current security context. It concludes that while Spanish nuclear ‘exceptionalism’ originally rested on the reluctance of the political elites to alter the precarious compromise that once allowed for Spain's accession to NATO as a denuclearised member, it gradually withered away to give way to a close alignment with Alliance policies driven by a desire to preserve strong security links with its partners.     

Security governance in Europe: a return to system

The security governance literature has developed in four waves: the first is dedicated to matters of definition; the second to conceptual debate; the third to matters of application in the European setting and the fourth to how well the concept works in extra-European regions and at the global level. For all this effort, security governance as a concept remains problematic: it still has some way to go before it obtains clear definitional precision, conceptual clarity and a secure standing as concept in Security Studies. We address some of the theoretical and methodological difficulties common to the literature and argue that security governance has become overly preoccupied with agency and has thereby neglected structure. It has, in other words, obtained an actor-centered focus and so tended to conflate security governance as an analytical category with the specific actions of security actors. It has thus moved forward little in its ability to determine how and why security actors behave in the aggregate and whether that behavior reflects wider systemic properties. We thus ask in a third section whether it is worth returning to systemic thinking on security governance especially in the European context where the concept has had its most sophisticated application.     

NATO's Response Force: finally getting it right?

Abstract

At the Riga Summit in November 2006, NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) declared the NATO Response Force (NRF) a fully operational capability. Yet only 8 months later – and behind closed doors – the Alliance's military authorities rescinded the declaration as it became increasingly clear that member states were unwilling to make the necessary commitments to the force. To this day, the force has been a qualified failure: while many allies have benefited from participating in the NRF, lack of concrete troop commitments and disagreement as to the force's operational role have largely eroded its credibility. This could change with the allies' recent adoption of a revised NRF-construct. However, as NATO is still in a state of strategic confusion, the NRF is likely to continue to be different things to different nations.     

European security as practice: EU–NATO communities of practice in the making?

ABSTRACT

European security is at a critical juncture and many have called for a more coherent and efficient response, involving both the EU and NATO. However, the primary tool for EU–NATO cooperation, “Berlin Plus”, has been stuck in a political quagmire since the mid-2000s, making a lot of scholars to conclude that this cooperation is obsolete and outdated. This article is challenging this view by analysing a range of informal but regular interaction patterns that have emerged. Using practice theory, it sheds new light on and explores how EU and NATO staff at all levels engage in informal practices on various sites in headquarters in Brussels and in field operations. A study of EU–NATO cooperation as practice focuses on the everyday, patterned production of security as well as what makes action possible, such as (tacit) practical knowledge and shared “background” knowledge (education, training, and experience). The article also discusses the extent to which shared repertoires of practice may evolve into loose communities of practice that cut across organisational and professional boundaries.     

亚洲安全治理转型的历史分析与趋势展望

冷战对亚洲安全格局产生了根本影响,助推美国在亚洲安全格局中的主导地位,由此形成支离破碎、犬牙交错的地缘安全格局,迟滞地区国家探索亚洲安全治理的进程,导致多种安全观剧烈碰撞、相互影响并复杂互动,使亚洲形成两极之间的中间地带,为世界走向多极化创造了条件。从公共产品供给角度分析,亚洲安全治理主要存在美国主导的亚洲安全治理、东盟主导的地区安全合作和以中国为代表的亚洲新安全观及其实践,各种类型的安全治理在现实中并存共生,相互影响,相互作用,形成当今亚洲复杂多元的安全治理体系。中国在积极倡导新型安全理念、共同维护地区安全、探索安全治理新模式、强化大国战略互信、管控周边难点热点问题等方面,采取了一系列负责任、建设性、可预期的政策和举措,并取得了积极效果。亚洲安全架构建设依然任重道远,中国要以新安全观为指引,积极推动新安全观同地区各方安全理念和治理模式对接,推进亚洲地区安全架构建设,深化同有关国家的互信合作,推动构建亚洲命运共同体,在促进亚太安全治理和推动亚太安全新格局的构建中承担更大责任,发挥更大作用,作出更大贡献。