Industrial accumulation and living standards in the long‐run: The São Paulo industrial working class, 1930–75, part i*

This is the first of two articles attempting to contribute to the debate on trends in absolute real incomes amongst propertyless groups in semi‐industrialized countries. The empirical evidence presented in both articles is addressed to evaluating the long‐term trend in the standard of living of industrial working‐class households in one of the principal industrial centres of the capitalist periphery (the Brazilian city of Sao Paulo) between the mid‐1930s and the mid‐1970s. This first article contains a more analytical discussion of the principal factors affecting the living standards of non‐property‐owning groups in poor capitalist countries, experiencing rapid transformations within both their agricultural and industrial sectors. Following this, some of the principal problems which arise in measuring the living standards of poor people in developing countries are briefly reviewed, as well as the solutions adopted and the data sources used in this study of households in the city of São Paulo. This first article also presents some background evidence on changes over time in some of the principal characteristics of Sao Paulo working‐class households: household size, age and sex composition, labour force participation and the relative contribution of different household members to total household income.     

Cities working together to improve urban services in developing areas: The Toronto-São Paulo example

This paper examines the structure and administrative impact of a cooperative urban development accord existing between the cities of Toronto, Canada and São Paulo, Brazil. Using a case study approach, the extent to which urban service delivery in São Paulo has been facilitated by this agreement—focusing on the critical area of emergency care provision—is examined. The paper suggests that as a form of development assistance, the type of international municipal cooperation demonstrated in the study may have considerable potential, insofar at least as possibilities for real improvement to established service delivery mechanisms in developing areas are evident.     

The watch committee and the national indications center: The evolution of U.S. strategic warning 1950–1975

A new pearl harbor villain: Churchill

Introductory Commentary

James Rusbridger and Eric Nave: Betrayal at Pearl Harbor: How Churchill Lured Roosevelt into World War II. Summit Books, New York, 1991, 303 p., $19.95.

A cryptologic analysis

Behind the drums and bugles

Trevor N. Dupuy (USA ret.): International Military and Defense Encyclopedia Brassy's/Macmillan, Washington, DC, 1993. 6 volumes, ca 3,200 p., $995.00 and $1,250.00 (after 1 January 1994).

Breaking the German codes

David Kahn: Seizing the Enigma: The Race To Break the German U‐Boat Codes, 1939–1943 Houghton &; Mifflin, New York, 1991, 336 p., $24.95.

Whales in the air

Curtis Peebles: The Moby Dick Project: Reconnaissance Balloons Over Russia Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, DC, 1991, 250 p., $45.70.

Getting the message through

C and A Entwistle: Undercover Addresses of World War II Bloomfield, Perth, Scotland, 88 pps., £6. (Available in the United States from L. D. Mayo, Jr., Box 20837, Indianapolis, Ind., $8.00.).

Intelligence: the first line of defense

Samuel M. Katz: Soldier Spies: Israeli Military Intelligence Presidio Press, Novato, Calif., 1992, 389 p., $21.95.     

Continuities and changes in left–right orientations in new democracies: The cases of Croatia and Slovenia

The left–right schema has long been used in analyzing political cleavages in established democracies. This study applies the schema in a post-communist context by examining the structuring of political attitudes in Slovenia and Croatia. Findings from six public opinion surveys in each country during the 1990s demonstrate that left–right orientations in both countries are consistently influenced by religious beliefs, while an additional dimension focusing on democratization is found in Croatia. Economic issues did not constitute a significant axis of political competition. Changes and continuities in party locations and the basis of vote choice according to party supporters' left–right placements are also discussed.     

Competition and Coordination in Bank Regulation: The Financial Crisis of 2007–09

The ability of businesses to shift regulatory jurisdictions has long raised questions about whether this generates a regulatory race to the bottom (RTB). Prior to the Financial Crisis of 2007–09, the structure of U.S. federal bank regulation raised similar questions, as banks could choose their regulator and regulators received fees for assessing banks. I investigate this question, through the theoretical lenses of bureaucratic structure, regulatory capture and bureaucratic reputation. Relying on quantitative and qualitative data, I find that the initial regulatory structure did induce a regulatory RTB, but once the Financial Crisis had begun, reputational fears on the part of federal agencies reversed the race, as the regulators strengthened standards and brought more enforcement actions. The paper ultimately shows that multiple theories help to explain what is going on with regulatory RTBs.     

The Role of Power in EU–Russia Energy Relations: The Interplay between Markets and Geopolitics

Abstract

Energy trade is an essential factor in EU–Russia relations. This essay argues that Russia and the European Union have deployed two types of power in their post-Cold War energy relationship. Russia has predominantly exerted geopolitical power through the sale of its vast energy resources and selected strategies to channel them to partners. With a large market but lacking fossil fuels, the EU attempted to achieve its aims mostly through regulatory power. However, both the Russian and the EU external energy policy strategies have recently become more nuanced. This evolution in their approaches has resulted in Russia’s gradual acceptance of the regulatory and market principles promoted by the EU.     

Regional wages and economic development: A case study of manufacturing wages in India, 1950–1960

This paper examines some hypotheses with respect to the interregional wage variations in Indian manufacturing from 1950 to 1960. The choice of this period was determined by the availability of relevant data. It was found in an earlier study that the regional wage structure tended to be flexible during the period under consideration. In this paper, an attempt has been made to explain the inter‐regional wage differentials by analysing the data on trade unionism, per capita income, productivity, capital intensity, non‐primary employment and consumer prices. It is argued that the level of regional wage differentials can be explained by relative differentials in productivity and in trade unionism, but the change in wage differentials depends upon the changing capital intensity in respective regions.     

Between Euroscepticism and Eurosupport: The Attitudes of Urban and Rural Populations in Poland 2000–2008

Three main factors explain public support for EU membership: utilitarian expectations, the role of values and ideas, and class partisanship. In the Polish case, public opinion polls and issues more specific to Poland, such as the role of the Catholic Church, populist political parties and profound Euroscepticism among farmers, suggest that although these theoretical explanations overlap, each of them has a different explanatory value. The economic approach remains the best predictor of support for EU membership, and whereas values and identity are closely linked to and dependent upon economic expectations, the impact of national politics appears largely decoupled from Polish Euroscepticism.     

The myth of ‘independent judiciary’: the evolution of judiciary-executive relations in Turkish politics

The position of judiciary in politics is an important area of discussion for both legal and political experts. The issue has particularly been on Turkish political agenda for the past decade with the emergence of a strong single-party government under the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalk?nma Partisi-JDP) rule. This article aims to analyse the evolution of relations between the judiciary and executive in Turkey from a historical perspective by examining the Republican era until the JDP rule. The struggle over the control of institutions becomes more visible during periods of strong government and the analysis shows that the idea of an independent, apolitical judiciary is a myth that was created by the institutional and legal design of the Republic in the Turkish case and is not peculiar to the JDP government.     

The International–Domestic Nexus in Anti-corruption Policy Making: The Case of Caspian Oil and Gas States

This article looks at the application, in the anti-corruption realm, of the analytical framework developed for transnational human rights advocacy by Risse, Ropp, and Sikkink. Focusing on Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan, this article shows that the level of integration with Western actors on the state and corporate levels determined the degree to which the transnational anti-corruption regime has been accepted in the Caspian region. As the transnational regime does ultimately lack coercive powers, the tension between transnational demands and national political elites does not translate into serious conflict, as a broader formal acceptance of the transnational anti-corruption regime offers national actors only limited opportunities to genuinely promote the issue.     

The Institutional Dynamics of a Developmental State: Change and Continuity in State–Economy Relations in Israel

This paper examines the institutional dynamics of the Israeli developmental state, focusing on its transformation since the mid-1980s, when a deep and far-reaching process of liberalization began. In contrast to the conventional stance concerning the withdrawal of the state from the economy and the decline of its political and institutional capabilities to shape the structure of economic relations, our analysis suggests that the state has not retreated from the economic sphere. The important shift in state?Ceconomy relations lies not in the extent of the state??s involvement in the economy, but rather in the mode of its involvement. That is, institutional changes have to do first and foremost with the definition of the state??s objectives in the management of the political economy and the way it uses particular institutional instruments to attain those objectives. As we show, state agencies continue to play a crucial role in the economic arena. While certain institutional traits and practices of the classic developmental state have indeed vanished, there are also very significant lines of continuity in place that keep imprinting on state?Ceconomy relations. It is this combination of change and continuity that determines the modes of action of developmental states under conditions of neoliberal globalization.     

The “Development Syndrome”: building and contesting the SICAP housing schemes in French Dakar (1951–1960)

After the Second World War, European welfare planning was transposed to the African colonies. With regard to housing, this meant a true turning point in urban policy. Under a development slogan, colonial powers for the first time massively invested in the housing of African urban dwellers. This was especially the case in French Dakar, Senegal, where the Société Immobilière du Cap Vert (SICAP) was one of the most productive housing institutions in post-war sub-Saharan Africa. This article, however, argues that the development discourse mobilized by the colonial government not only formed the basis to modernizing the city but also served as an instrument to legitimize a new kind of residential segregation, a phenomenon I call the “Development Syndrome”. Yet Africans were no passive victims of development schemes. This article brings to the fore various forms of agency that were evoked by the ambiguous motivations underscoring the SICAP housing and resettlement schemes.     

The Art of Museum Diplomacy: The Singapore–France Cultural Collaboration in Perspective

In the aftermath of the devastating terrorist attacks in the USA and Europe, most notably the 9/11 attacks on New York, there has been renewed interest in the role of cultural diplomacy in international relations as a strategic platform for engaging with other nations and for wielding “soft power” on the international stage. Central to this renewed interest on cultural diplomacy is that culture can provide a critical platform for contact and negotiations when political relations are in jeopardy or for recalibrating relationships with emerging powers. This study provides an analysis of cross-cultural museum exchanges as an instrument of “soft power” and cultural diplomacy by considering Singapore’s motives and outcomes of engaging in the Singapore–France cultural collaboration. The study demonstrates that while cross-cultural museum exchanges can serve as symbolic gestures of political goodwill, their effectiveness in shaping the preferences of other nations through exerting “soft power” on the international stage is limited. These exchanges are often apolitical in their initiation because museums seldom take their nations’ political goals into consideration in selecting their prospective partners and the subject of collaboration. While cross-cultural museum exchanges are apolitical in their initiation, their consequences are nonetheless political due to inherent unequal power relations between the collaborating parties.