马来西亚伊斯兰教国理念、实践与政党政治

马来西亚是东南亚伊斯兰教国家之一,伊斯兰教国议题成为执政党巫统和反对党伊斯兰党争取马来选民支持、寻求政治合法性和打击对手的重要手段之一.华人政党也加入伊斯兰教国的争论,因为这关系到国家政体、民主、种族平等和多元宗教等大问题.在马来西亚政党架构、政党斗争、多元宗教和多元种族的特定条件下,伊斯兰教国议题成为近年马来西亚伊斯兰教政治化的集中体现.     

马来西亚华人如何看待伊斯兰教国

随着伊斯兰复兴运动在马来西亚的发展,代表马来人利益的巫统和伊斯兰教党也转向伊斯兰教寻求合法性.伊斯兰教党要建立政教合一的神权伊斯兰教国,而执政党巫统则提出马来西亚已是世俗的伊斯兰教国,这引起马来西亚华人对国家政体、民主、信仰自由的忧虑,他们反对将马来西亚建成伊斯兰教国.华人社团和反对党民主行动党反对建立任何形式的伊斯兰教国,而执政党马华公会和民政党坚决反对伊斯兰教党的神权伊斯兰教国,但赞同巫统的世俗伊斯兰教国.     

伊斯兰教与马来西亚政治民主化

马来西亚是伊斯兰国家,其政治发展与种族关系和伊斯兰教息息相关,在政治民主化进程中,种族政治和宗教政治都发挥了重要作用.本文主要通过安瓦尔事件以及伊斯兰党的理念和实践研究伊斯兰教在马来西亚政治民主化中的作用,进而探讨伊斯兰原教旨主义与政治民主化的关系,探讨伊斯兰教能否推动伊斯兰国家的民主化进程.     

伊斯兰原教旨主义与马来西亚穆斯林妇女

伊斯兰原教旨主义推动了马来西亚社会和政治的伊斯兰化,并影响到马来穆斯林妇女的权利和地位.本文从分析伊斯兰原教旨主义妇女观入手,探讨马来西亚政府、政党、宗教部门和非政府组织如何从法律、法特瓦、政策、宣传来规范妇女的行为,并分析联邦政府与州政府、执政党与反对党、乌来玛与非政府组织围绕妇女权利展开的争论和斗争.     

反恐对马来西亚政局与对外关系的影响

马来西亚在反恐问题上采取了有异于其他东南亚国家的立场 :马哈蒂尔政府在坚决支持打击恐怖主义的同时 ,也严厉反对任何把反恐行动演变为反伊斯兰教行动的倾向 ,并强调追溯与确认恐怖主义根源的重要性。恐怖主义活动与政府的反恐政策给马来西亚的政局与外交带来了深远的影响。对内 ,它加剧了执政的国民阵线主干政党巫统与在野的伊斯兰教党之间的政治斗争 ,以及在一定程度上加强了国阵在来届大选争取华人选票的胜算 ;对外 ,它为马来西亚制造了和美国改善与加强双边关系的契机 ,并提高了马来西亚在国际政治舞台上的地位     

马来西亚政治中的伊斯兰教因素

马来西亚是一个伊斯兰教色彩非常浓厚的国家 ,但长期以来宗教对政治的直接影响有限。 1 999年大选后 ,宗教问题成为主要的政治议题 ,朝野马来人政党都试图比对方更加伊斯兰教化 ,马哈蒂尔总理甚至宣布马来西亚是伊斯兰教国。根据马来西亚的民族构成和政治斗争现实 ,笔者认为近期马来西亚不会成为神权伊斯兰教国 ,但政治伊斯兰教化会促使巫统和伊斯兰教党继续强调自己的宗教色彩。     

马来西亚社会转型与马来族群政党分裂——基于社会分裂结构理论视角

2018年马来西亚第十四届全国大选后,仅在马来西亚半岛就有巫统、土著团结党、伊斯兰党、人民公正党和国家诚信党五个马来族群主导型政党进入联邦议会.其中,伊斯兰党、公正党、团结党先后从巫统中分裂产生,诚信党于2015年从伊斯兰党分裂而出.马来族群政党的分裂并非新的现象,而是经历一个逐步演进的过程.本文借鉴社会分裂结构理论框架,指出马来族群政党的格局是政治社会精英内部矛盾和公民社会分裂结构共同作用的结果.当精英内部矛盾无法调和,或者公民社会中产生新的分裂结构,或两者兼而有之时,新的政党就会产生.新政党如果能够与既有的社会分裂结构相结合,或者自上而下地塑造新的分裂结构,就能得以生存;而如果无法找到赖以生存的社会分裂结构,则新政党必然走向消亡.     

马来西亚“伊斯兰国”与民族国家:争论、影响与趋势

伊斯兰党在20世纪80年代转型后,致力在马来西亚建立"伊斯兰国"。"伊斯兰国"与巫统主导下的民族国家建构是完全不同的建国方向,两者在最高权力的来源、统治阶层、意识形态三方面有着显著的差异。伊斯兰党现阶段重提伊斯兰刑法后,引起马来西亚两线制的重新分化与组合。由于政党之间的建国理念相异,马来西亚未来的建国方向大体上有三种:马来人主导下的民族国家、伊斯兰国和多族群国家。另外,伊拉克与大叙利亚伊斯兰国组织在中东的崛起,令身处伊斯兰世界的马来西亚民族国家体制也面临着来自外部的强烈冲击。     

独立后马来西亚华人的政治选择与政治参与

1957年马来西亚独立后,马来西亚华人的政治生活发生了根本性的变化.随着华人政治角色的转换,华人对当地政治的参与度越来越高,华人的政治地位和政治作用日益加强.马来西亚华人参政的经验为东南亚其他国家华人的政治发展带来了许多积极有益的启示.     

马来西亚的伊斯兰潮及政府对策

一本世纪60、70年代以来,伊斯兰潮席卷全球,马来西亚的伊斯兰运动也如火如荼。马来西亚是一个多种族和多宗教的国家,代表了伊斯兰国家的一种特殊经历。伊斯兰教为官方宗教,穆斯林人口占全国人口总数的529%。其中绝大多数为马来族人,约占全国人口的45%。其余人口由许多不同的种族和宗教团体组成,其中最大的少数民族是华族(占35%)和印度族(占10%)。很长时间以来,伊斯兰教与马来族的民族认同和政治地位是相互关联的。同时,种族矛盾成为政局稳定和社会安宁的潜在威胁。马来西亚伊斯兰潮的泛起就是在这种十分复杂的社会背景下产生的,概括起来说,…     

Jihad in the Bastion of “Moderation”: Understanding the Threat of ISIS in Malaysia

ABSTRACT

Malaysia has long been hailed as a beacon of moderate Islam. Yet, at present, there is considerable support for ISIS amongst Malaysians, and it represents a unique articulation of contemporary violent Islamist extremism. Malaysians who joined ISIS in Syria and its supporters at home are characterized by a sense of Islamic righteousness. Also, they share distinctive features that differentiate them from the old jihadi generation: a diverse occupational background, the lack of either formal or informal religious training, and the growing nexus of criminality-radicalization. Malaysian support for ISIS can be historically and politically contextualized in relation to the Islamization race between the main political parties, the presence of Salafi-jihadi discourse and ISIS’s discursive construction of authentic Islam.     

马来西亚印度人的由来及其困境研究

印度人是马来西亚的第三大民族,但与马来西亚其他民族相比,印度人是一个长期被忽视的群体.本文拟对马来西亚的印度人作一概述,分析其移民马来半岛的历史,并对独立后马来西亚印度人在政治、经济、民族教育等方面所面临的困境作一探讨.     

Pursuing Chinese Studies Amidst Identity Politics in Malaysia

This paper seeks to analyze the development of three aspects of Chinese Studies, namely Sinology, China Studies, and Chinese Overseas Studies in Malaysia. Each aspect corresponds to different levels of looking at China: civilizational, state, and ethnic. It also examines how identity politics in Malaysia shapes the development of these fields and how these fields created different images of China. Sinology depoliticizes China and presents the magnificent Chinese culture as a positive element in Malaysian nation-building project. Chinese Overseas Studies de-centers China and examines the multiple identities of the Chinese people. China Studies were officially pursued under the agendas of inter-civilizational dialogue and friendship between China and Malaysia.     

"碎片化"社会的政治整合——马来西亚的政治文化探析

复杂多元、碎片化的政治亚文化使马来西亚的各种族、各政党、各团体之间存在着紧张关系,削弱了政治整合的效能,而自由民主制度的竞争性特征更加剧了这一趋势。然而,由于各种族、各阶层的政治文化存在着相近的或共融的内容,比如权威主义心理取向和集体主义价值观等,再加上政治运作过程中逐渐磨合出的政治妥协、合作和理性等精神,既构成了马来西亚主流政治文化的内在机理,也为马来西亚的政治整合提供了有效的政治文化资源。这种政治文化奠定了马来西亚软权威主义政治的重要基石,从而成为后发国家政治发展中的一道独特的政治景观。     

Resisting the Fall: The Single Dominant Party,Policies and Elections in Malaysia

Before Malaysia’s 2013 general election, one of the few remaining dominant coalitions in the world was aware it would struggle to retain power. A fledgling opposition coalition had inspired public confidence of its capacity to competently rule while public discontent with the ruling party was rife due to the ubiquity of patronage that had prevented the responsible implementation of policies. However, regime change did not occur. How does the protracted rule of Malaysia’s Barisan Nasional coalition, and the hegemonic party in it, the United Malays National Organisation, relate to debates over authoritarian durability, during a period when dominant parties struggle to sustain power? Malaysian elections have been free enough that the opposition has been able to obtain and retain control of state governments, so why has Barisan Nasional not lost power? This article reviews the 2013 election examining three issues: the significance of coalition politics; how policies have shaped voting trends; and the growing monetisation of politics. These perspectives provide insights into the institutional structure of coalitions and their conduct of politics, including clientelistic practices, forms of mobilisation and governance and the outcomes of policies introduced to address socio-economic inequities and drive economic growth.     

The opposition Pakatan Rakyat in the twelfth Malaysian parliament, 2008–12, and parliamentary behaviour on the budget process

In the post-2008 Malaysian general election, the opposition political parties the Parti KeADILan Rakyat, the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party and the Democratic Action Party started to gain currency, especially when the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) government was denied its two-thirds of the majority in parliament. The 2008 result indicated that there was a substantial shift in support from the incumbent BN to the opposition parties. The opposition later on was formed into a coalition known as Pakatan Rakyat (PR). The minor victory of the PR in the 2008 election suggested that it had secured a considerable number of seats in the twelfth Malaysian parliament. This article argues that the 2008 electoral outcome exhibited substantial competitive parliamentary behaviour despite the authoritarian nature of Malaysia. The article examines PR behaviour in the twelfth parliament with reference to the budget process. Besides elections, the Malaysian parliament is a very crucial indicator of the development of democratic governance in Malaysia. This article argues that the opposition PR is still relevant in the way in which it has fully exercised its legal parliamentary capability, especially its de facto leader Anwar Ibrahim, in questioning and posing constraints on the ruling BN policies concerning the budget process.     

The Tian Anmen massacre

The aftermath of the 2008 general election saw a series of upheavals occur in the Malaysian political landscape, not least of which was the emergence of a so-called “new politics.” Driven primarily by concerns over issues of public governance, this politics contained a set of interrelated questions involving changing notions of legitimate political authority. Although much has already been written about whether or not the post-2008 changes to Malaysia's socio-political terrain are genuine and enduring, I argue that many such analyses are too narrow in scope and fail to adequately recognise the complexity involved in such social realities. By distinguishing between the images and practices of the Malaysian state, this article aims to highlight the dynamic, contingent and contested nature of processes of legitimation. A detailed investigation of the consensus/dissensus surrounding Prime Minister Najib Razak's concept of 1Malaysia as the basis of a collective national identity reveals a more fundamental contestation occurring within contemporary Malaysian politics and society over the source(s) of political and moral legitimacy. While the opposition's challenge to Najib's administration remains formidable, of more pressing concern to Najib might be the objections arising from within his own party over the direction in which he is taking them. To define the present horizon of socio-political possibilities in Malaysia it is not enough, therefore, to simply explain how legitimation occurs; we must also be able to account for the way(s) in which it can occur.     

新马华文报纸话语权比较研究

本文通过对新马两国华文报纸销量、华文教育的发展等多方面的比较研究,指出新加坡华文报纸逐渐被边缘化、作用被弱化的事实.文章认为,新加坡已经失去在东南亚传播中华文化的中心地位,面对社会交流语言加速英语化的现实,华文报纸的社会地位将进一步降低.与此相反,由于马来西亚华人保留完好和系统的华文教育,华文报纸话语权非但没有被削弱,反而得到增强,马来西亚也因此取代新加坡成为在东南亚传播中华文化的中心.