From Reagan to Trump: The Origins of US Neoliberal Protectionism

Donald Trump is often seen as a radical departure from the neoliberalism that has shaped recent American history and, at first glance, nowhere does this seem truer than on trade. Trump’s support for protectionism certainly seems to depart from neoliberalism, which we are used to thinking of as involving unqualified support for free trade. But should this really be seen as a departure? This paper argues that, instead, Trump’s trade policy should be seen a kind of ‘neoliberal protectionism’, which seeks to use the coercive power of the state to force other nations to conform to a market‐based economic logic. The origins of this neoliberal protectionism can be traced back to the 1980s when debates about foreign industrial policies first caused the United States to adopt a more aggressive approach to trade. From this perspective, Trump’s trade policy represents not a rejection of neoliberalism but an extreme articulation of it.     

从求强、求富到人的现代化——中国现代化50年发展战略的反思

毛泽东时代 ,要使新中国在不利的国际环境下立足 ,国家现代化发展目标首先是求强 ;邓小平时代 ,则以求富为国家现代化的发展目标 ,开创出了改革开放的大局面 ;后邓小平时代 ,面临世界经济一体化和新一轮新技术革命的挑战 ,国家的现代化目标是“以人为本”的社会全面均衡发展 ,这是需要几代人共同努力的事业     

权力制约的权力配置维度:从思想的成长到原则的设计

权力配置作为党的十九届四中全会在阐发完善权力制约机制时正式使用的一个概念,主要是指权力的结构安排。从权力配置的思想脉络来看,大致分为非马克思主义和马克思主义两大流派。非马克思主义权力配置思想大都包含对权力进行分解并彼此形成一定制约关系的理论逻辑。其最终以分权制衡思想模型而相对固定下来并被部分西方国家付诸实践,但其既存在固有的阶级局限性,又存在无法确保权力运行高效化的弊病。与权力配置的分权制衡模型不同,马克思主义权力配置思想更青睐"权力属于人民"原则,主张实现代议民主与人民主权的辩证统一,从而为新时代中国的权力制约实践拓宽了理论视野。就权力配置的原则设定而言,虽然马克思主义权力配置思想和非马克思主义权力配置思想存在理论分殊,不同国家的权力配置实践也无法简单移植,但是权力受限、权力法定和权力效能则是在以权力的科学配置来推进权力的有效制约时应当遵循的三个原则。