试论英国世袭贵族议员制的成因及消亡

英国上议院的世袭贵族议员最初都是国王的亲兵 ,受封而为贵族 ,成为上议院议员。他们在历史上拥有非常强大的权力 ,对王权构成了相当程度的制约。世袭贵族议员制对英国的政治生活曾产生过巨大的影响 ,但由于它与民主精神相悖 ,最终被废除     

英国：新法例规定议员兼职须申报收入和时间

近日，英国颁布新法例，规定议会议员必须申报兼职收入和时间。以往，议员只需申报与其议员工作相关的兼职，但今后必须遵照新例申报以下项目：若议员有为除自己与议会以外的第三方工作，即使工作与其议员身份无关，他也必须明确申报从中赚取的金额；为该人士或组织工作的时数；     

冒领公帑的加拿大议员

冒领公帑显然是不能被原谅的。在加拿大，议员们被称作是“坐在玻璃房里的人”，必须拥有良好的操守。     

国外议员言论免责权的限制

规定议员具有言论免责权，莫不在于鼓励并保障议员勇于发表政治意见，表达民意，并借以形成国会的意志及意见，但并不是说该权力可以不受限制。     

英国刑事法院证人服务制度述评

本文介绍了英国刑事法院专为证人而设的一项服务的来龙去脉。     

浅谈英国刑事上诉制度

英国对刑事案件的审理基本上实行的是两级上诉制,本文主要就英国的刑事上诉制度的相关问题进行了一些探讨,仅供参考.     

英国儿童犯罪案件频发

据2009年9月22日《京华时报》刊登的资料，英国警方眼下正调查一名涉嫌恣意毁坏他人财产的男性犯罪嫌疑人。这名嫌疑人年仅3岁，是英国刑事调查史上年龄最小者，而他只是英国现阶段接受调查的10名小嫌犯之一。在英格兰和威尔士，记录在册的最小犯罪嫌疑人来自英格兰贝德一名年仅6岁的男童。     

英国：最小嫌犯年仅3岁 罪名系毁坏他人财产

英国警方正调查一名涉嫌恣意毁坏、扰乱秩序的男性犯罪嫌疑人。这名嫌疑人年仅3岁，是英国刑事调查史上年龄最小者。     

自由与权力：近代英国刑事私诉与公诉之争

在近代英国刑事诉讼变革史上曾经发生过激烈的私诉和公诉之争。传统英国珍视个人自由,反映在刑事起诉上即体现为,主要涉及个人利益的普通犯罪由被害人来主导起诉,国家权力只是作为辅助力量而存在。随着工业化、城市化的发展,面对日益复杂的犯罪问题,刑事私诉越来越不能有效控制犯罪,针对这一情况,英国出现了建立公诉的呼声;但是,先前英国自由传统观念顽强地抵御着公诉的建立。近代英国此种刑事私诉与公诉之争的实质是英国传统的自由观念与新型国家权力之间的矛盾。     

从英国经验看我国卖淫刑事政策的变革

上世纪末以来，英国在考察欧洲其他国家相关制度的基础上，对本国的卖淫法律制度进行全面审查，并开始变革卖淫刑事政策。在我国，卖淫的刑事政策在近十余年里遭到社会学者和犯罪学者的批评。从权利保护的价值观以及刑事政策的有效性等角度出发，可以借鉴英国变革的经验，对我国的卖淫刑事政策进行反省和变革。     

简析日本世袭议员现象

日本世袭议员是指继承身为政治家长辈或其他亲属选举地盘而成为日本议员的政治家。这里所说的继承也包括夫妻之间的相互继承和对义父母、养父母的继承。世袭议员现象的产生既与日本独特的政治经济体制相关,也有其深厚的文化背景。与普通的议员相比,他们从政既有有利的因素,也有不利的因素。一、世袭议员的现状根据《大日本帝国宪法》于1890年成立的第一届帝国议会由贵族院和众议院组成,其中贵族院多由世袭的皇族和华族组成。当时天皇指定了37名华族为世袭议员,这是世袭议员的开端。二战后,美国占领当局推行民主改革,战时与军部有瓜葛的政治…     

Party Legacies and Institutional Gravity: The Dynamic between Members of Parliament and Assembly Members in Wales

What does the creation of sub-national legislatures entail for the work of parliamentary representatives, and by what guidelines does the cross-level relationship evolve? This article considers the issue in the context of British devolution, relating the analysis of parliamentarians to the question of how parties adapt. The empirical analysis, drawing on a series of interviews with Assembly Members (AMs) and Members of Parliament (MPs) from Labour, the Conservative Party and the Liberal Democrats, shows that the infrastructure for communication between AMs and MPs differs considerably between the parties. Moreover, there are also key differences between parties with regard to how relations between individual representatives are resolved. Drawing upon insights from the institutionalist literature, the paper argues, first, that the creation of sub-national legislatures challenges party cohesiveness and, secondly, that how this challenge is met by the parties is guided by their distinct ideational and organisational legacies with regard to devolution.     

英国宪法中的议会主权与法律主治思想探析

“议会主权”被认为是产生英国宪法的第一条大义。20世纪以来，特别是第二次世界大战以后，随着英国行政力量的加强和欧盟法体系的加入，“议会主权”受到了来自国内行政集权和欧盟法效力的限制和冲击。尽管如此，它依然保留了其在宪政体制中的核心地位。“法律主治”是以“议会主权”为前提的，其作为“英吉利制度的要素”和英国宪法产生的第二条大义，与“议会主权”共同构成了英国宪法的重要原则。     

Democracy and Press Freedom in Zambia: Attitudes of Members of Parliament Toward Media and Media Regulation

In Africa, colonial rule, followed often by one-party rule, resulted in the creation of authoritarian press systems. The political climate usually required journalists to align themselves with the government as propagandists rather than serve as watchdogs to inform the public. To rule Zambia, Kenneth Kaunda established a government based on a political philosophy he called Humanism, a form of African democratic socialism that valued the community over the individual and defined the role of the press as a tool for national development. Colonialism, Kaunda's Humanism and general resource scarcity have shaped the perspectives from which Zambians view press freedom. Multi-party elections in 1991 produced a democratically elected government and brought increased freedoms for the media, but the values shaped by the experiences of the elected leaders in Zambia are also important to understanding the Zambian system of press freedom. This paper quantitatively investigates support for the press and press freedom among members of the newly democratized Zambian Parliament. Regression models show that perceptions of media accuracy and fairness are not indicators of press support. The article speculates that Zambia's leaders may have to experience intergenerational value changes to overcome the past if they are to view press freedom from a more libertarian perspective.     

Social-Nationalists in the Ukrainian Parliament

Disillusionment with the leaders of the Orange Revolution and their successors, combined with rhetorical and symbolic adjustments made by the ultraright party Svoboda, led to its electoral success in the 2012 parliamentary elections in Ukraine. As a result, xenophobia and anti-Semitism have become part of the public political discourse.     

Party Cohesion in the Danish Parliament

This article formulates a comprehensive and systematic taxonomy of micro level explanations of party cohesion; party cohesion being understood as party group members acting in unity externally. This apparatus is used in an analysis of party cohesion in the final divisions in the Danish Parliament, where cohesion figures are among the highest in the liberal democratic world. The investigation is based on interviews, survey data and data on voting behaviour. The main explanations of the high level of cohesion are the absence of disagreement in the party groups and a moral commitment to the party. Variation among MPs, parties and topics is also documented and discussed. The cohesion of each party and the compliant behaviour of individual MPs are related to the importance MPs ascribe to representing their party. Furthermore, divisions on moral issues, EU integration and local matters show lower than normal degrees of cohesion.     

论议会权力

议会权力的本质是民主的多数决,但以充分协商为前提.议会权力可以分为立法权和非立法权两类,其中议会立法权的地位高于议会非立法权;立法权是制定规范,非立法权在一定程度上是执行规范.议会立法如果规范的对象是议会,一般应"根据"宪法制定,规范的对象如果是其他国家机关(如监督法),则可能"根据"宪法制定,也可能"不抵触"宪法即可,规范的对象如果是全社会(如民法),则基本适用"不抵触"原则;议会非立法权力的行使既要根据宪法又要根据宪法性法律.对议会权力的监督主要有违宪审查、提名权、否决权、解散议会、全民公决、选民选举和罢免等形式.     

The Appointment of Rapporteurs in the European Parliament

Committee rapporteurs are central to decision making in many multiparty legislatures. It is not clear, however, whether these rapporteurs are best characterized as partisan animals or technical experts seeking consensus in nonmajoritarian institutions. We addressed this question by examining which members of the European Parliament become repeat rapporteurs. Using an original dataset comprising all committee reports from the 4th and 5th European Parliaments (1994–2004), we found that the report allocation process provides a way to pursue partisan policy goals within a multiparty, consensual institution that rewards both coalition building and expertise.