War of words: the impact of Russian state television on the Russian Internet

How effective is Russian state television in framing the conflict in Ukraine that began with the Euromaidan protests and what is its impact on Russian Internet users? We carried out a content analysis of Dmitrii Kiselev's “News of the Week” show, which allowed us to identify the two key frames he used to explain the conflict – World War II-era fascism and anti-Americanism. Since Kiselev often reduces these frames to buzzwords, we were able to track the impact of these words on Internet users by examining search query histories on Yandex and Google and by developing quantitative data to complement our qualitative analysis. Our findings show that much of what state media produces is not effective, but that the “fascist” and anti-American frames have had lasting impacts on Russian Internet users. We argue that it does not make sense to speak of competition between a “television party” and an “Internet party” in Russia since state television has a strong impact in setting the agenda for the Internet and society as a whole. Ultimately, the relationship between television and the Internet in Russia is a continual loop, with each affecting the other.     

The Great Convergence and the Logic of One World

A great historical transition is underway from American‐led Globalization 1.0 to Globalization 2.0—the interdependence of plural identities where no one power or alliance of powers dominates. The G‐20 is floundering as the immediate global financial crisis has receded. The United Nations and the old Bretton Woods institutions—the IMF, the World Bank and the WTO—have lost their vigor and are struggling to adjust to the global powershift with the rise of the emerging economies. While Europe is paralyzed as the historic project of integration stalls, the world's two largest economies—the United States and China—are as yet unable to figure out how to share power. The danger now is that the geopolitical vacuum will invite assertions of national self‐interest that will unravel the rules‐based order that enabled stability and prosperity over recent decades. America's leading geopolitical strategist, China's most outspoken strategic thinker and one of Asia's leading global thinkers from Singapore offer their reflections on this state of affairs.     

The Cold War and Third World revolution

Much of the Cold War took place in the Third World. The three works authored by Gregg A. Brazinsky, Winning the Third World: Sino-American Rivalry During the Cold War; Jeffry James Byrne, Mecca of Revolution: Algeria, Decolonization, and the Third World Order; and Jeremy Friedman, Shadow Cold War: The Sino-Soviet Competition for the Third World, are reviewed here and they provide historical details. A consistent theme that emerges is the importance of ideological factors in driving the events are discussed. It is also clear that the Third World states were not passive objects of pressure from great powers but had agendas of their own. These books provide useful material for theorists of international relations and policy makers.     

'Fortress Europe' and Third World immigration in the post-Cold War global context

This paper examines the conjuncture of economic and political developments in the world economy and demographic and environmental factors that, in the aftermath of the Cold War, have caused millions of immigrants and refugees to migrate worldwide, increasingly to the EU and North America where they are marginalised and have become, with greater frequency, victimised by right-wing political groups. Factors under study include the proliferation of civil wars and ethnic conflicts; the increase of inequalities and poverty on a world scale; the effects of neoliberal economic policies on Third World development; overpopulation, urbanisation and environmental degradation in peripheral sites of the world economy; and the impact of economic conditions in the EU on immigrant and native workers.     

Taiwan and the Soviet Union during the Cold War

Taking into account recently published evidence on Taiwan's relations with the Soviet Union during the Cold War, this article examines the official and secret contacts between Moscow and Taipei from 1949 to 1988. It argues that despite some consideration given to a possible cooperation, Cold War hostility suited Taiwan and the Soviet Union more than collaboration. Taipei resorted to the ‘Soviet card’ in the 1970s to hinder Sino–American rapprochement, but never abandoned anti-Sovietism as the foundation of its diplomacy. The Soviet Union, for its part, prioritized normalization of relations with China and avoided rapprochement with the ROC, which could have only further strained ties with the PRC and accelerated the formation of the Sino–US united front against Moscow.     

苏联计划经济模式的历史原点——论德国"一战"期间的计划经济及其对列宁的影响

"一战"期间,德国建立起了历史上第一个战时计划经济。参照德国的战时计划经济,列宁开始把马克思恩格斯关于"有计划的社会生产"的思想与社会主义的制度选择结合在一起,形成了关于社会主义计划经济的原初制度设计。德国的战时计划经济在苏联计划经济模式源起的过程中具有历史原点的意义,认识这一点对于深入理解社会主义市场经济改革的历史内涵有极为重要的意义。     

战后日共对社会主义发展道路的探索

战后日本共产党对社会主义发展道路的探索,经过了"占领下的和平革命论"、"占领下的暴力革命论"、"争取和平过渡论"、"人民议会主义论"和"资本主义框架内民主改革论"五个阶段.从1970年党的11大以后,日共始终坚持走"人民议会主义"的道路,并认为这是发达资本主义国家的日本走向社会主义的道路选择;苏东巨变后,日共21、22大认为在"资本主义框架内民主改革"是21世纪日本迈向人类"共同社会"的当然选择.