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强势崛起、金融危机与俄罗斯对外政策的调整   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
2008年,俄格冲突和金融危机对俄罗斯对外政策产生,了实质性的影响。俄格冲突体现了俄罗斯的强势崛起,表明实力复苏的俄罗斯坚决捍卫国家核心利益的决心;金融危机则对俄罗斯带来了多方位的冲击,暴露出俄罗斯复兴进程的脆弱性与不确定性。俄罗斯就是在俄格冲突之际的冲动和亢奋与金融危机时的无奈与失落之间度过2008年的。这种落差体现了俄罗斯内政、经济与外交之间的密切关联,展现了俄罗斯对外战略中的内在矛盾,也影响着俄罗斯对外政策的调整。  相似文献   

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Identity theft—one of the fastest growing crimes—results in considerable financial losses as well as time spent to restore credit and prevent future attacks. While scholars have begun to devote more attention to identifying the factors that increase risk of identity theft, little is known about the aftermath for victims. Using data from the Identity Theft Supplement to the National Crime Victimization Survey, we address this gap in the literature. Results indicate that, in addition to financial losses and loss of time, victims also experience emotional (e.g., depression) and physical (e.g., poor health) symptoms. The implications of these findings for theory, research, and policy are discussed.  相似文献   

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《Communist and Post》2014,47(3-4):345-354
This paper analyzes Russia's presidential discourses and emotions of the West from March 2008 to December 2012. By studying the languages of inclusiveness and exclusiveness in annual addresses to the Federation Council and public statements, I have identified several distinct stages in the Kremlin's emotional evolution from fear to hope to frustration: the initial fear (March 2008–June 2009), hope (September 2009–the late 2010), and frustration (since the early 2011). The Russia's emotional shifts are shaped by the country's historically established social relations with the West and are not to be reduced to the dynamics of power and prestige/status. Russia's deep emotional connection to the West as well as Russia's own concept of national honor are the two factors that drive the nation's leaders' complex actions, feelings, and rhetoric. Russia displays emotions of hope each time it feels that its honor is being respected and those of frustration, fear and anger when in the eyes of Kremlin its identity/honor as not recognized.  相似文献   

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The persistence of armed Muslim separatist rebellion in Southeast Asia is demonstrated by the ongoing rebellions in Aceh and Mindanao. A strong regional identity infused with Islam has been a binding factor in these separatist movements. Their persistence demonstrates the failure of Indonesia and the Philippines in achieving legitimacy for their post-independence political structures as well as continued internal weakness. The prospects for their quick and peaceful resolution are not good. The external dimension of Muslim separatism has heightened mistrust among states in the region and raised apprehensions over the broader issue of Islamic fundamentalism and the implications for the region should Aceh and Mindanao achieve secession.  相似文献   

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Since the mid-1980s, gender equality has constituted a major priority in the provision of Danish foreign aid. Seeking to understand policy-making processes in the field of foreign aid, this article analyses three gender policies in relation to Denmark’s official foreign aid published respectively in 1987, 1993 and 2004, examining the degree to which they reflect domestic politics, organisational concerns within Danida and global gender norms. Challenging earlier research, the conclusion is that, while global norms, organisational concerns and the normative environment in Denmark all play important roles, Danish stakeholders have had a limited and decreasing influence over these policies.  相似文献   

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During the process of visa liberalisation Serbia made significant and unexpected adjustments in its Kosovo policy, which demonstrate the European Union's leverage. Serbia's compliance on Kosovo cannot be explained either by rational institutionalism, which accounts for domestic change based on cost–benefit calculations, or sociological institutionalism, which predicts domestic adaptation based on convergence of norms and identities. Applying discursive institutionalism, this empirical study of Serbia's Europeanisation identifies discursive denial as a strategy of the Serbian elite in pursuing costly policy implementation. It contributes a novel perspective on ‘shallow’ Europeanisation by highlighting a lack of discursive reinforcement of adopted rules.  相似文献   

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This article is concerned with religious soft power in foreign policy making through a focus on the foreign policies of the USA, India and Iran. It suggests that, if religious actors ‘get the ear’ of key foreign policy makers because of their shared religious beliefs, the former may become able to influence foreign policy outcomes through the exercise of religious soft power. In relation to the above-mentioned countries, the article proposes that several named religious actors do significantly influence foreign policy through such a strategy. It also notes that such influence is apparent not only when key policy makers share religious values, norms and beliefs but also when policy makers accept that foreign policy should be informed by them.  相似文献   

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