东欧国家“回归欧洲”中的政治变迁

2004年5月1日，波兰、匈牙利、捷克、斯洛伐克和斯洛文尼亚五国正式成为欧盟成员国；随后，罗马尼亚和保加利亚两国被确定为2007年第二批入盟候选国；西巴尔干五国也在加快入盟达标的步伐。欧洲历史上一次大规模的整合，通过北约和欧盟几乎同时进行的东扩得以实现。这次整合，以具有“回归欧洲”情结的东欧国家为主角，以和平的方式在两个属性不同的联盟机构中进行，     

Self-interest,Perceptions of Transition and Welfare Preferences in the New Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus

This article studies public welfare preferences in Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. Generalised ordered logistic regression models and predicted probabilities are employed to analyse comparable attitudinal survey data. The results vary considerably among the countries, but age is the most important covariate of welfare preferences, followed by individuals’ socio-economic characteristics. The findings also indicate that popular perceptions of transition, notably in Ukraine and Moldova, are most strongly linked to preferences concerning the state's involvement in reducing the gap between the rich and the poor rather than to preferences regarding the main welfare state programmes such as pensions and healthcare.     

欧洲全民公决的政治传统及其对欧洲一体化的影响

在欧洲的民主文化中,全民公决作为直接民主的形式,是对代议制民主的重要补充, 其影响甚为广泛.在欧洲一体化进程中,出现了更多地采用全民公决的方式决定欧盟扩大和深化的重大问题的趋势.议会的表决结果有时与全民公决的结果却大相径庭.与议会表决相比,全民公决的不确定性更强.尽管全民公决给欧洲一体化的前景增加了风险和不确定性 ,但全民公决的压力毕竟迫使欧洲领导人更多地考虑民众的意愿.     

How EU Integration and Legacies Mattered for Foreign Direct Investment into Central and Eastern Europe

This essay uses the case of foreign direct investment (FDI) in Central and Eastern Europe to stipulate how European Union (EU) integration affected the economic globalisation of the post-socialist region. Existing studies argue that expectations of impending EU membership had a direct effect on raising FDI inflows because they reduced perceived investment risks for potential investors. In contrast, I show that the EU accession process worked through an indirect effect on FDI: it influenced post-socialist states' efforts to promote FDI as a desirable strategy of economic development and the behaviour of firms. These state efforts, in turn, increased FDI inflows, net of conventional risk and return factors. Further analyses indicate that decisions about state FDI-promotion have been influenced not only by EU conditionality but also, and importantly, by particular legacies, namely the countries' initial choice of privatisation strategies, extent of reform during socialism and history of state sovereignty. Overall, the results suggest that EU integration and legacies of the past shape both the structural and the ideational context for domestic decision-making elites in Central and Eastern Europe, and may act not only as constraints but also as enabling conditions facilitating the global economic integration of the region.     

关于东欧剧变和社会发展道路的思考

首先向中国朋友们表示问候。我很荣幸应邀参与《当代世界》杂志关于东欧剧变等重要问题的讨论并发表个人粗浅之见。     

National Minorities and Intra-Ethnic Coordination in the European Parliament: Evidence from Central and Eastern Europe

This article investigates the role that intra-ethnic coordination and kin-state alliances play in shaping how parties that represent national minority groups approach their participation in the European Parliament (EP). This is done through an analysis of the political behaviour—electoral strategy, party group choice and modes of interest assertion in the EP—of ethnic minority parties in five Central and East European countries. The article finds that the role of intra-ethnic coordination and kin-state alliances is limited at the level of EP elections, but significant at the level of party group choice and in the visibility of minority issues in the EP.     

多种文明视角下的中东欧社会发展

从古到今,无论在地理位置上还是地缘政治上,处于西欧和东欧之间的中东欧地区都十分重要。由于受不同文明的影响和东西方大国的控制,该地区的民族和国家在很大程度上不能为自己做主,社会发展带有极强的被动性。这是观察正在集体回归西欧的中东欧社会发展的一个重要视角,有助于发现其历史发展逻辑和潜在的动因。文明归宿上的困惑和政治定位上的摇摆是中东欧社会发展的常态,而在其自身认同和同东西方大国对它们的认同上的矛盾会长久存在。     

苏东剧变后的东欧大趋势

15年来,由前东欧社会主义国家演变分化而来的12国及前苏联解体成立的波罗的海沿岸3国,在东部欧洲逐渐形成一个有某种共性的群体.在世界政治格局调整和北约欧盟东扩的背景下,这些中东欧、东南欧国家由于其现代史背景及地缘政治利益类似,更迭后的制度走向趋同,近来日益显现出一些相同的发展趋势.     

从民主社会主义到社会民主主义——苏东剧变后西欧社会民主党的战略调整

冷战期间,西欧各国社会民主党虽然对以苏联为代表的现实社会主史一直持坚决反对、严厉批判的态度,但事实上现实社会主义的存在是社会民主党人推行的社会改良主义的一个重要条件.正因如此,苏东剧变、苏联解体并没有为西欧社会民主党带来任何政治利益,反而使它们的社会基础变得更为脆弱.西欧十几个国家曾经出现社会民主党万马齐喑、无一执政的局面.为了摆脱困境,西欧各国社会民主党先后实行了战略调整,纷纷放弃了"民主社会主义"的原则,改打"社会民主主义"或"第三条道路"的旗帜.这一转变表明,西欧各国社会民主党已经彻底放弃了改造现行社会的计划而与目前西方的资本主义制度完全认同.     

Legacies of State Socialism: A Comparative Study of Elite Attitudes towards EU Economic Competitiveness in Western and Central Eastern Europe

Abstract

The elites of Western Europe prefer social security for all citizens as the major aim of the EU, while the preference of Central and Eastern European elites is for a more globally competitive European economy. This disparity between elite preferences may be accounted for by the distinct electorates and elites’ responsive strategic calculations, or by the process of socialisation Central and Eastern European elites undergo during exposure to the EU. This article argues that the predominant reason for the difference in elite attitudes towards economic competition is the lasting effect of state socialism in Central and Eastern European countries.     

National Sentiments in Eastern and Western Europe

In a world of presumed nation-states nation has been, and still is, an intrinsic part of political legitimization. The claim of nationality has played an important role in such legitimization for the last two centuries. More than this, it has also constituted a fundamental collective entity for an individual's understanding of who they are in relation to those who are perceived as not sharing the nationality. This is nothing new, but in an era of globalization we are witnessing the rebirth of nationalism and nationality (Castells, 1997), where the power struggle over the political agenda will increasingly be about the struggle for the right to identity and the risks of exclusion from the national community. Even if this is the case it stands clear that everyday nationalism and nationalist struggles take different forms in different parts of the world. It has often been claimed that there are two types of nationalism prevalent in different parts of Europe, one in the so-called West and one in the so-called East. Kohn (1945) claimed that the rise of nationalism in the West was a political occurrence based on the democratic creation of the modern nation-state whereas the rise of nationalism in Eastern Europe was of a more backward type drawing its power from the struggle for cultural hegemony. The legacy of Kohn is taken up by Smith (1986; 1991) in his classical division of civic and ethnic national identities and nationalism, claiming that the former is a Western product and the latter mainly an Eastern one (see also Ignatieff, 1993). More recently, White (2000) claims that national identities in Eastern Europe have been strongly influenced by romanticism. The emphasis on ethnic nationalism in Eastern Europe not only is related to historical nation formation, but also has been claimed to be of great importance in the postcommunist era (Lovell, 1999). It is widely realized that national identities and nationalism differ within the West as well as within the East, but it is still assumed that there are fundamental differences between Western and Eastern European nation formation and that these have influenced the types of national identity and nationalism prevalent in the different geographical areas. For example, Sugar (1969) claims that there are differences between the Eastern European states; nonetheless, there are also commonalties that make them differ from Western European states.     

Knowledge-Sharing Subsidiaries in Central and Eastern Europe

This paper investigates reverse knowledge transfer of foreign multinational subsidiaries in Central and Eastern Europe (Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary) in the light of the current political and economic transformations of these former communist countries. The study examines whether foreign subsidiaries in the region share their knowledge base with their sister-subsidiaries and parent company, and the role of various factors in this knowledge sharing. These factors include subsidiary initiative, subsidiary autonomy, local dynamism and corporate embeddedness. A proprietary dataset is used for statistical analysis.     

Europeanisation and post-peasant populism in Eastern Europe

On the basis of an examination of rural social structure, traditionalist narratives and an agrarian imaginary resulting from uneven development, this article investigates the forms of political mobilisation which materialise in East European politics as ‘post-peasant populism’. Focusing on grassroots mobilisation, an analysis of the annual Corpus Christi ritual in the city of Przemy?l, south-east Poland, serves as the basis for an exploration of the theme of socially sensitive post-peasant populism as an alternative to post-socialist capitalism. This populism relies on the politicisation of the rural past and is currently influenced by ‘Europeanisation’.