Colombia at War: The Search for a Peace Diplomacy

This essay analyzes Colombian foreign policy over the last three decades with specific emphasis on Bogota's peace diplomacy from 1978 up to 2000 in the context of an ongoing and degrading internal war. Initially, it assumes a modified realist perspective that links international relations with domestic structures. Then, the text defines three models of Colombian peaceful diplomacy according to the purposes, the means, and the rationales employed by the administrations that covered the above-mentioned period. After empirically evaluating the governments of Presidents Turbay, Betancur, Barco, Gaviria, and Samper and the first two years of the presidency of Pastrana, the article concludes with an assessment of the country's peace diplomacy and its impact on internal violence and instability. The foreign policies of the six different mandates show that Colombia never developed an overall, consensual state strategy towards peace, that the multiple peaceful diplomacies were partially successful in terms of sustaining the political regime and that, notwithstanding the latter, the successive governments failed to achieve a genuine resolution to domestic war. Finally, the article calls for a serious, active, and simultaneous state foreign policy and citizen's diplomacy in favor of peace.     

The Case of Nord-Ost: Dubrovka and the Search for Answers

The paper reviews the experience of the group Nord-Ost (The Regional Social Organisation for Assistance and Defence of the Victims of Terrorist Acts) as an example of an NGO that has taken a rights advocacy position which has led it into confrontation with the state. Nord-Ost demands the state's accountability for the consequences of its response to the 2002 Dubrovka terrorist attack. Thus, it confronts challenges common to other rights advocacy groups in Russia today.     

Making Citizen Participation Work: The Challenging Search for New Forms of Local Democracy in The Netherlands

Governance theory shows that governments no longer operate as actors that take unilateral decisions but instead have to share power and influence with various other actors. There is also a large body of literature that shows a growing discontent with (local) democracy. These two trends lead various local governments to either reaffirm representative democracy, or to introduce elements of direct participatory democracy. In practice the combination of the two – representative and direct participatory democracy – can be problematic. This paper describes the experiences of Hoogeveen, a medium-sized municipality in the Netherlands with a far-reaching programme of direct participatory democracy. In Hoogeveen, local residents can decide on yearly budgets for their neighbourhood and become involved in the long-term planning of its development. The Hoogeveen case shows that direct participatory and representative democracy can be balanced with the help of (1) connecting arrangements, (2) professional connectors and (3) steady political support.     

Beyond Horror: Terrorist Atrocity and the Search for Understanding-- The Case of the Shankill Bombing

The old order has broken up. We have reached the end of a postwar world whose premises were based on terror, but whose conditions had become familiar, and even comforting, over the years. The waters we are now entering are unchartered and perhaps treacherous, and we are not likely to steer safely through them unless we have the courage to question the old assumptions which once seemed eternal and have now become so threadbare.     

The Effect of EU Accession on Internal Migration in Poland

This article examines the impact European Union (EU) policies have on internal migration in Poland. It argues that the EU indirectly through its cohesion funding and internal market policies creates push and pull incentives that affect internal migration. It focuses on the impact of three EU regulated factors: foreign direct investment, international migration, and EU funding. It contends that both foreign investment to a voivodeship as a result of the EU’s internal market policy, and EU funding to a voivodeship as a result of the EU’s cohesion policies, attracts internal migrants to that voivodeship and discourages residents from leaving. The article further argues that increasing international migration from a voivodeship as a result of the EUs labor policies decreases the incentive for internal migration. A cross-sectional time-series statistical analysis finds that higher levels of foreign investment and EU funding attract migrants to a voivodeship, while higher levels of international migration, FDI inflow, and EU funding decreases the incentive for residents of that voivodeship to relocate internally.     

The Polish Solidarity Movement in Retrospect: In Search of a Mnemonic Mirror

The legacy of the Solidarity movement of the 1980s, which was a leading force in the region’s 1989 revolutions, culminating most symbolically with the fall of the Berlin Wall, has yet to be institutionalized in Polish social memory. A spate of official commemorations marking the movement’s 25th anniversary in 2005 provided a palette on which Poles projected—or refused to project—their memories. The movement’s legacy continues to play out in current and contentious electoral politics, since the leaders of the top contending parties are former Solidarity activists. Despite and partly because of this active presence of Solidarity movement players, Polish civil society appears to be in a liminal state of active hesitation over the task of concretizing this movement’s past in commemorative forms. This article proposes six cultural and political explanations for this hesitation. It also recommends that social scientists disaggregate the concept of memory work into various manifestations on a continuum from hesitation to deliberation and agitation to institutionalization. As the article illustrates, hesitation can constitute action. At stake in this exercise is a larger discourse—over the direction of the post-1989 socio-political changes vis-à-vis the aims of the 1989 revolutions and the meaning of democracy and transitional justice in a posttotalitarian context.     

Technostress and Commitment to Change: The Moderating Role of Internal Communication

ABSTRACT

The objective of this study is to examine the predicting role of technostress, on commitment to change. Further, this study assesses the moderating role of internal communication in the technostress and commitment to change relationship. A total of 225 administrative employees in public higher education institutions in the Northern Region of Peninsular Malaysia participated in the study. The findings indicated that techno-invasion and techno-insecurity were negatively associated to commitment to change, while techno-uncertainty was positively related to commitment to change. Internal communication was found to moderate the relationship between techno-uncertainty and commitment to change. Theoretical and practical ramifications are highlighted.     

Review article: In Search of Indonesia

Indonesian Political Thinking 1945–1965. Herbert Feith and Lance Castles (eds.), Ithaca, N.Y., Cornell University Press. 1970. pp. xvi, 505; n.p.

Rites of Modernization. Symbolic and Social Aspects of Indonesian Proletarian Drama. By James L. Peacock. Chicago, University of Chicago Press. 1968. Pp. xxv, 306; $11.

Javanese Villagers. Social Relations in Rural Modjokuto. By Robert R. Jay. Cambridge, Mass, M.I.T. Press. 1969. Pp. xiii, 468; £7.

Ethnicity, Party, and National Integration. An Indonesian Case Study. By R. William Liddle. New Haven, Yale University Press. Pp. xv, 238; $8.75.