Cultural Beliefs,Human Rights Violations,and Female Genital Cutting

ABSTRACT

Female genital cutting (FGC) or as it is sometimes erroneously called, female circumcision, has been performed on over 173 million girls worldwide. Yearly, there are at least 2–3 million girls who experience this procedure. The physical, psychological and long-term health-care effects are only recently being recognized. Health care practitioners and social workers need to understand and address the complex and multi-dynamic cultural issues as well as the healthcare dilemmas for these women. Community networking, education, assistance in accessing the medical system, and reducing language barriers are interventions that should be delivered with cultural sensitivity and an understanding of the long term outcomes on health.     

How many physicians are enough?

Although it is difficult to ascertain whether or not the nation faces an oversupply of physicians in the coming decades, there is no doubt that a health care system can be operated more effectively with a taut supply of medical personnel than with a loose supply. The perception of severe specialty and geographic imbalance, which informed national health policy during the 1960s and 1970s, has been modified by evidence of a significant redistribution in the supply. Increasing numbers of practitioners are likely to effect further escalation in the costs of physician services and total expenditures for health care, even if--in conformity with classical laws of supply and demand--individual physicians' incomes and the relative economic advantage of the profession were to decline. Since the objective of improved access has to a considerable extent been realized, the principal benefit of the loosened supply in the future will be to facilitate the initiation of innovative practice modes and alternative health care delivery systems that offer the potential of improved efficiency and quality.     

The Stability of M3 Money Demand and Monetary Growth Targets: The Case of South Africa

The main purpose of this article is to determine whether money should continue to play an important role in the formulation of monetary policy in South Africa, even though the monetary policy framework has recently changed to an inflation targeting strategy. Money can continue to play an important role in the formulation of an efficient monetary policy strategy as long as there is a stable money demand function and money contains useful information about future price changes. The paper presents empirical evidence of a constant and structurally stable M3 money demand function for South Africa over the period 1968-97. The analysis further shows that the non-constancies experienced during 1998-99 may only be temporary. Despite evidence of a stable M3 money demand function, the results indicate that M3 money provides little information about future price changes in South Africa and may therefore have lost its usefulness as a reliable indicator for monetary policy. The money stock is endogenous, with prices determining money through the stable M3 money demand function.     

Conflict resolution classrooms to careers: an emergent theory of change with implications for a strategy in peace education

Peace education provides for the development of knowledge, skills, and dispositions appropriate to effective peacebuilding. Therefore, the development of curriculum in degree programs which builds bridges by which students in conflict resolution/peace studies classrooms may cross over to the field of conflict transformation and peacebuilding may properly be thought of as within the sphere of peace education. This paper describes an emerging theory of change in the context of the peace education offered by a graduate and undergraduate program of conflict resolution. It is argued that employability exists at the nexus of student skills and attributes, and the demands of a labor market which a partnership between experienced practitioners and academics has a responsibility to inform and shape through outreach, education, practice, evaluation, research, and publication.     

'Out Of Sight, Out Of Mind': Assessing The Impact Of Markets For Children's Residential Care

This article is concerned with assessing the effectiveness of markets for complex professional services in social care. The issue is explored through an account of developments in the children's residential care sector. Over the past five years there has been a steady expansion in the role of external markets in this area. However, this was not required by the Children Act 1989 and has become the subject of considerable debate between policy makers and practitioners. While some favour an extension of choice, others argue that a further decline in local authority run provision will be both costly and detrimental in terms of meeting key policy goals. In order to assess these claims, reference is made to the findings of a study of purchasing practices for children's residential care in twelve local authorities in England and Wales. The impact of the emerging market is analysed along two dimensions. Firstly, we assess how far it is operating efficiently, concentrating on market structure, information and transaction costs. Secondly, attention is given to the impact of market changes on the policy objectives of: localized placements; ensuring adequate safeguards; and matching needs and services. The results reveal that there have been significant costs associated with markets in children's services. In a context of government efforts to promote modes of service delivery on the basis of 'what works', these difficulties have certain implications. Not only do they draw attention to the need for greater collaboration between purchasers and providers, they also point to the continued relevance and usefulness of local authority managed provision.     

Development policy and the evaluation of community self-help: The harambee school movement in Kenya

This attempt to objectively assess the costs and benefits of involvement in the harambee education movement for individuals and families is directed at policymakers and is an exercise in policy analysis. Evaluative studies of this nature are essential to the improvement of the of the overall quality of policymaking. Despite general agreement that harambee education projects involving secondary schools differ in many ways from types of self-help projects, few attempts have been made to assess the long-term social impact of the harambee education movement. For nearly 2 decades Kenya's harambee movement has flourished and has been largely viewed as a positive contribution to national development. Between 1969-79, the total value of contributions to self-help projects rose from around $6 million to almost $27 million, demostrating the substantial inputs of local communities to the economic growth of the country as a whole. Policymakers, after initial reservations about independent self-help, in recent years have come to rely on such activities as complementary to the government's efforts. Self-help activities aimed at expanding educational opportunity are the most significant in terms of both monetary resources expended and the scope of human involvement. Benefits are difficult to extimate. The growing number of students in harambee schools does not necessarly indicate that the majority of these students are acquiring marketable skills or that their consequent levels of academic training will prepare them to complete successfully in the job market with the average student educated in government-sponsored schools. The evidence, in fact, clearly points in the opposite direction. Yet, politicians, policymakers, and citizens continue to regard harambee activities for expanding educational opportunities atall levels as necessary contributions to Kenya's development program and to individual achievement. The direct cost to government for harambee education can be compared with the direct private expenditure on this type of ecucation. The 1976 annual private investment in harambee education was $45 million. The most direct benefits from harambee efforts are reaped by wealthier regions and communities in Kenya. The greaes social benefits derived from the government's policy toward the harambee school movement are political benefits. By symbolically drawing linkages between its national development strategy and independent self-help activities, the government can elicit the tacit support of rural communities. Direct social costs of such a policy are minimal. The indirect, long-term costs may result in disastrous, unintended consequences as the pool of educated and unemployed youths expands and as resulting ethnic and class inequalities sharpen and crystallize.     

Strategies for dealing with policy ambiguities

Ambiguities often weave through policies, leading to conflict and confusion over the intents and purpose of said policy and how it may manifest in any specific instance. Given that policy management is a core function for most public service agencies, the challenges here are almost universally experienced as public servants balance the political, legal, and technical requirements of policies against their functionality in practice. To this end, the authors use a grounded theory approach to identify themes in how practitioners cope with policy ambiguities. Relying on data from program evaluation reports and interviews with practitioners, the authors triangulate five themes: interpretation as a collaborative endeavor, teach people how to think, processes simplify and guide, consistency comes from horizontal communication, and policy interpretation evolve. Conclusions argue that ambiguity is a key theoretical and practical challenge that impacts the quality and character of democratic governance.     

Dynamics of Islam,identity, and institutional rule in Uzbekistan: Constructing a paradigm for conflict resolution

The “re-Islamization” of society in independent Uzbekistan has proven to be a complex process, generating conflict in the social, cultural and political spheres. Since the early 1990s, the regime of Islam Karimov has sought to undermine any manifestation of “unofficial” Islam via imprisonment of the leadership, implementation of repressive statutes governing religious activity, and other coercive means. Yet, since 1999 Uzbekistan has experienced more religious violence directed against government power structures by “extremists” than any other former Soviet republic in Central Asia. Important issues that should direct U.S. policy remain unresolved: How significant is the threat from radical Islam in Uzbekistan, that is, what are the chances of politicized, “fundamentalist” Islam emerging as a mass movement there? Has recent U.S. policy reduced or exacerbated the dynamics of conflict between the regime and the “radicals?” In order to effect resolution of this conflict, a new paradigm must be implemented in U.S.–Uzbek relations which moves the Uzbek regime toward democratization, while maintaining social stability. In addition, politicized Islam, in a non-radicalized form, should also figure into any policy strategy directed at long-term stability in Uzbekistan.     

Agency conflict and the signalling snafu in the mexican peso crisis of 1994

In this paper I explore the role of signalling in the agency conflict that pits national governments against international lenders in the Mexican peso crisis of 1994. (The term international lenders includes domestic residents with the capacity to invest abroad.) I give evidence for the conventional conclusion that Mexico's underlying economic and financial situation did not warrant the humiliating treatment inflicted on it by the international financial markets. The humiliating treatment, however, was not a mindless overreaction to suddenly perceived changes in the country's political fragility. On the contrary, I show that the country's evolving political fiagility was recognized and compensated for as far back as 1991. It was rather the result of a rational reevaluation of the costs of the agency conflict that is inherent in the relationship between national governments and international lenders and the power of national governments through moratoriums, repudiation, or default to subordinate the claims of international lenders to those of domestic agents. I model the conflict as a government held option to default and introduce signalling by assuming that the Mexican government had monopolistic information on the economy's true situation. I then give evidence that the agency costs were reevaluated when it became clear that the Mexican government had been sending false signals to the international investment community and that these false signals had made it possible for Mexico to borrow close to or beyond the point where default was the optimal financial strategy.     

The impact of formal finance on the rural economy of India

This paper explores the use of informal credit as a strategy for managing risks by market women in northern Ghana. A broad concept of the costs of risk management strategies is introduced and encompasses both a time and monetary dimension. Based on qualitative data, the analysis reveals that market women invest a considerable amount of time in maintaining complex networks of informal credit providers to ensure their access to credit once a shock occurs. Informal credit involves high transaction costs and prevents market women from growing out of poverty in the long term.     

Mogadishu: an economy without a state

When analysing links between conflict, trade and foreign aid in Somalia, it is important to examine the role of the Mogadishu-based business class. Mainly urban-based elites benefit from the profitable business activities, such as the charcoal trade. Nevertheless, potential links between conflict, trade and foreign aid are ambiguous. Whereas trade can trigger conflict in producing areas and along transport routes, it can build trust among the business elite in the urban centres. Today there is a thriving economy largely based on trade and arbitrage, rather than on production, without a functioning state in Somalia. This article argues that, in countries where effective government institutions are absent, security and social services, such as education and health care, are often privatised. However, some individuals have an interest in the continuation of violence to engage in lucrative sectors of the economy which would be regulated or banned under a functioning government.     

Refugee youth in settlement,schooling, and social action: reviewing current research through a transnational lens

How do refugee youth engage in peacebuilding, civic participation, and social action through their educational experiences? This article draws from transnational frameworks, specifically Ajrun Appadurai’s notion of ‘imagined worlds’ with an emphasis on ethnoscapes as a framework through which to review literature on refugee young peoples’ involvement in peacebuilding, participation, and social action in schools, focusing particularly on experiences from countries of settlement outside of refugee camps. This study examines current literature on refugee youth schooling and social engagement along three main themes: the student, the school, and the wider society. Each section considers the implications of the scholarly literature in a transnational framework, identifying what transnational flows (i.e. people, capital, ideas, media, technology, etc.) and what imagined worlds are reflected in the literature. In conducting this analysis, I aim to dislodge peacebuilding education from spatially fixed contexts of ‘fragility’ that assigns a nation-state as the primary reference point of peace and conflict, to instead examine the transnational nature both of conflict and of the agency that displaced youth can mobilize to transform conflict through peacebuilding.     

International terrorism,human rights,and World order

Abstract

This article attempts to summarize the efforts that have been made during the 1970s in the search for an appropriate definition of international terrorism, its causes, and the measures to combat it. It evaluates these efforts in the context of the simultaneous interests in human rights. It advances some propositions as to how international terrorism could be seen from the perspectives of both social‐psychological theories of violence and Western legal practices. In conclusion, the relationship between the individual and the state is evaluated in the context of the present world order and its operative political and legal principles. Although this approach may not solve the problem of international terrorism by advancing any neat scheme of control which can be readily applied by anxious governmental law enforcement agencies, nor succeed in articulating a strategy for the respect of human rights by governments and individuals, it will hopefully generate some ideas about how justice can be rediscovered while searching for viable solutions for both international terrorism and human rights.     

Case-mix nursing home reimbursement: a technical “fix” for a policy inadequacy?

Most state Medicaid programs, in many cases the largest fundors of long term care, reimburse nursing homes or home health agencies on negotiated flat rates. However, several states have implemented or are planning to use reimbursement methods using case-mix indices to adjust for the different variable costs (e.g., resource utilization groups, RUGs) incurred in caring for different types of patients. Advocates contend that such methods can simultaneously help contain costs and enhance access by motivating the nursing home to keep costs below predetermined rates and mitigating providers’ reluctance to admit “heavy care” residents. The numbers of such residents putatively have increased as a result of incentives in the Prospective Payment System for hospitals to more quickly discharge sicker patients. However, the potentially negative effects of case-mix reimbursement (CMR) on quality of care have not gone unnoticed, and the costs (as yet undetermined) of mechanisms to avert these effects likely are nontrivial.

This paper examines the effects of CMR on cost (to states and nursing homes), access and quality. A preliminary review of the available evidence seems to indicate mixed results; yet, CMR obviously appeals to some Medicaid programs and representatives of the nursing home industry. We suggest that the allure of CMR may be due to a mistaken belief that, to borrow from Brandon (1990), such “tech fixes” obviate irksome negotiation on the part of policy elites.

An alternate reimbursement policy is proposed: a negotiated prepayment, based on a facility's global budget, with periodic allocations and an end of period adjustment to compensate the provider for unanticipated costs.     

VIOLENCE AND THE COSTS OF HONESTY: RETHINKING BUREAUCRATS' CHOICES TO TAKE BRIBES

Explanations of bureaucrats' decisions to take bribes include accounts of incentives as well as expectations. However, there are further considerations in violent contexts, where refusal of bribes may have dire consequences. Yet, insight into this topic is limited. This article investigates how violence upholds bribery, through interviews with South African officials who enforce regulations in communities where gangs operate. The investigation shows that when citizens offer bribes to enable rule violations, this is a process of both temptation and threats: officials who refuse bribes face intimidation by both citizens and colluding colleagues. This illustrates how violence may function as a mechanism to enforce corrupt contracts between bureaucrats and criminal citizens. Through reducing costs in such settings, bribe‐taking is partly a strategy of social protection. This has implications for policy and suggests that, besides incentives and expectations, administrative reforms may benefit from ‘fixing the security’ of bureaucrats in violent contexts.     

Against the Grain of Urban Bias: Elite Conflict and the Logic of Coalition Formation in Colonial and Post-Colonial Africa

The theory of urban bias was a major contribution to the evolution of contemporary theories of political economy that remains highly relevant today. Yet theorists of urban bias have still not produced a general explanation that accounts for anomalous cases of what we call “rural incorporation,” or coalition strategies based on modest rural producers. These anomalous cases suggest that the collective action underpinnings of urban bias theory underdetermine outcomes. This paper advances a new explanation of the anomalous African cases of Kenya, Côte d’Ivoire, and Zimbabwe. After detailing the costs of rural incorporation, we theorize the conditions that would motivate state elites to overcome their pro-urban biases and offer substantial material benefits to non-elite agrarian producers. Rural incorporation is an optimal strategy only when state elites are locked in unusually intense conflict with their rivals. Most nationalist movements in Africa did not meet this condition and their leaders followed pro-urban policies. The three outliers are all cases of settler colonialism: bitter rivalry between European settlers and native planters created the conditions for rural incorporation. We show how native planters and their political allies selected rural incorporation as a political-economic instrument of commercial competition and political supremacy. Case studies of Ghana and Nigeria demonstrate that in the absence of political and economic rivalry with settlers, African leaders selected the “default” strategy of urban bias.     

Participatory development,complicity and desire

Abstract

This article is an attempt at rethinking participatory development (pd) in terms of empire, undertaking a postcolonial and psychoanalytic reading. Postcolonialism helps point out that our discursive constructions of the Third World say more about us than the Third World; while psychoanalysis helps uncover the desires we invest in the Other. Thus, to the question, ‘why do neo-imperial and inegalitarian relationships pervade pd?’, the article answers, ‘because even as pd promotes the Other's empowerment, it hinges crucially on our complicity and desire’; and ‘because disavowing such complicity and desire is a technology of power’. The argument, in other words, is that complicity and desire are written into pd, making it prone to an exclusionary, Western-centric and inegalitarian politics. The article concludes with possibilities for confronting our complicities and desires through pd's radicalisation.     

Health maintenance organizations as Medicaid providers.

Evolution of a one-door, one-class system of medicine for all Americans was the professed goal of the social legislation of the 1960s. The development of health maintenance organizations (HMOs) was seen to be a major mechanism for assuring access to care and at the same time reducing the costs of social health programs. This has currently been reinforced by procompetitive proposals, which predict great efficiency resulting from the envisaged competition among organized systems of care. This article argues that established HMOs have no incentives to enroll Medicaid beneficiaries and that under current arrangements. Medicaid beneficiaries have no incentives to enroll in HMOs. As Medicaid programs across the states are cut, resulting in fewer benefits and more restricted physician payments, beneficiaries may have greater incentives to enroll in organized systems. Private physicians may also face greater incentives to develop HMOs to serve Medicaid beneficiaries. If that happens, however, a two-class system--one for the poor and one for others--will be institutionalized; and to assure minimum standards of care for the poor, more, not less, regulation will be required.     

When civil engagement is part of the problem: Flawed anti-corruptionism in Russia and Ukraine

In developing countries, the fight against corruption entails purges of political and business elites and the restructuring of electoral, financial, and social provision systems, all of which are costly for the incumbents and, therefore, unlikely without sustained pressure from civil society. In the absence of empirical analyses, scholars and practitioners have, therefore, assumes that civil society plays an unequivocally positive role in anti-corruptionism. In this article, we challenge this dominant assumption. Instead, we show that, under certain conditions, an engaged non-governmental community may, in fact, undermine the fight against corruption. Using the data from forty interviews with anti-corruption practitioners in Ukraine and Russia, as well as primary documentary sources, we present two models of anti-corruptionism whereby active civil engagement produces suboptimal outcomes. One is faux collaboration, defined as a façade of cooperation between the state and civil society, which hides the reality of one-sided reforms. The other model is that of non-collaborative co-presence, whereby the governance role is shared by the government and non-governmental activists without compromise-based solutions. In both cases, civil engagement helps perpetuate abuses of power and subvert such long-term goals of anti-corruption reforms as democratization and effective governance.     

Sustainable Development: Concepts and Rankings

One way of thinking about development - endorsed by the UNDP and the Brundtland Commission - involves improvements in the quality of life which are equitable. This conception invokes two values - equity and well-being - which can conflict. The potential conflict suggests that countries which are doing well in terms of well-being may perform badly on environmental concerns. Desai argued to the contrary that there are positive linkages between human development and environmental protection. He found tentative support for this claim in rankings of developing countries in terms of the HDI and indices of environmental exploitation. This result is not robust when similar exercises are carried out using a different set of countries and closely related indices.