U.S. policy on health inequities: the interplay of politics and research

What is the relationship between scientific research and government action in addressing health inequalities in the United States? What factors increase the impact of scientific research on public policy? To answer these questions, we focus on racial and ethnic disparities in health status and health care in the United States. We first review the history of the disparities issue to elucidate how the continual and persistent interplay between political action and scientific research drives government policy. We then analyze two recent government-sponsored reports about racial and ethnic disparities to understand the strategic consequences of issue framing. We draw lessons about how disparities research can have a greater impact on public policy.     

Child health policy in the U.S.: the paradox of consensus

The U.S. spends more of its total GNP on health services than any other nation, yet it has one of the highest infant mortality rates in the industrialized world. Young American children are immunized at rates that are one-half those of Western Europe, Canada, and Israel. In the mid-1980s, a consensus among policymakers on the need for federal action to improve child health services resulted in the expansion of Medicaid eligibility for pregnant women and young children and the separation of Medicaid eligibility from eligibility for AFDC. The current phase of child health policymaking includes discussion of much broader proposals for changes in health care financing and innovation in health care delivery. This examination of child health policy begins by reviewing the politics of maternal and child health services from the early twentieth century to the Reagan administration, including the role of feminist movements, the development of pediatrics, and the expansion of federal involvement during the 1960s. Next, the politics of Medicaid expansion as a strategy for addressing child health issues are discussed. Current critiques of child health services in the U.S. are examined, along with proposals to restructure health care financing and delivery. Central to the politics of child health policy during the 1980s and into the 1990s is the way in which child health has been defined. Infant mortality and childhood illness are presented as preventable problems. Investment in young children is discussed as a prudent as well as a compassionate policy, one which will reduce future health care costs and enhance our position in the international economy. Unlike other "disadvantaged groups," children are universally viewed as innocent and deserving of societal support. Framing child health issues in these terms helped to produce consensus on the expansion of Medicaid eligibility. Yet the issues beyond the expansion of Medicaid eligibility involve the restructuring of health care financing and delivery, and, on these issues, conflict is far more likely than consensus.     

Retrenchment or realignment? U.S. mental health policy and DRGs

The introduction of DRGs for financing health care is dramatically changing the system of delivery and provision in the U.S. To understand the consequences, it is important to focus not only on cost-containment issues but also on new institutional mechanisms fashioned to reshape health care delivery and provision. A realignment among the major actors is occurring, with the state adopting a central role in redefining its own function in the health care system, constructing a new framework and agenda for change, and enlisting the participation of other social actors in implementing change. The specific features of this realignment are analyzed in the context of mental health DRGs. This article concludes that, based on the consequences of DRGs to date, we ought to look beyond present indicators of retrenchment in the health care system to how the unique features of the American welfare state are continuing to evolve.     

A comparison of educational processes at similar U. K. and U. S. institutions of higher learning

The structure and organization of the middle tier of higher education in similar institutions in the U. K. and U. S. are compared to draw conclusions on the effect which differences and similarities have upon the quality of the educational process, its cost-effectiveness, student independence and maturity, faculty load, relationships with business, industry and government.     

对"牛吃麦"案例的另一维度的解释——英、美土地制度和财产制度的变迁

科斯定理是从经济效益的角度来分配权利的,它的"拍卖式"法律价值取向贯穿于美国土地制度与财产制度的发展历程.在与科斯定理相关的"牛吃麦"案例上,美国初始选择了"圈出"规则,后又转向"圈入"规则,其规则的变动始终遵循着"经济效益最大化"原则;而英国自始至终选择了"圈入"规则,早期是为了维护公共财产利益,之后是为了维护私有财产利益,在这过程中,"权利保护原则"是其不变的宗旨.科斯定理纯粹从经济效益的角度来解释有着相同法治渊源与传统的英、美两国在"牛吃麦"案例上所适用规则的差异性,欠缺历史维度的法律分析.     

The problem of human trafficking in the U.S.: Public frames and policy responses

Nine years after the passage of federal anti-trafficking legislation in the United States, fewer incidents of trafficking have been identified than original estimates of the problem predicted. Some scholars and commentators suggest that changes in the public framing of the trafficking problem aimed at advancing particular agendas are to blame. Yet no studies to date had measured such a reframing process and its attendant consequences. Using a natural history of social problems model (Spector & Kitsuse, 1973) as the theoretical framework to examine the framing of trafficking, this study analyzed text from U.S. newspaper articles about human trafficking from 1990 to 2006. Findings suggest the public framing of human trafficking has changed over time corresponding with the adoption of policies focused on national security and the identification, apprehension, and criminal prosecution of trafficking perpetrators. Challenges following such definitional shifts are discussed.     

The Effectiveness of Trace DNA Profiling—A Comparison Between a U.S. and a U.K. Law Enforcement Jurisdiction

Recovery, profiling, and speculative searching of trace DNA (not attributable to a body fluid/cell type) over a twelve‐month period in a U.S. Crime Laboratory and U.K. police force are compared. Results show greater numbers of U.S. firearm‐related items submitted for analysis compared with the U.K., where greatest numbers were submitted from burglary or vehicle offenses. U.S. multiple recovery techniques (double swabbing) occurred mainly during laboratory examination, whereas the majority of U.K. multiple recovery techniques occurred at the scene. No statistical difference was observed for useful profiles from single or multiple recovery. Database loading of interpretable profiles was most successful for U.K. items related to burglary or vehicle offenses. Database associations (matches) represented 7.0% of all U.S. items and 13.1% of all U.K. items. The U.K. strategy for burglary and vehicle examination demonstrated that careful selection of both items and sampling techniques is crucial to obtaining the observed results.     

“同源分流”与“殊途同归”——英美法律教育发展路向之比较

英国和美国都具有学徒制法律职业教育的传统,但是在本国法律文化和社会实际的影响下,英国和美国的法律教育后来又采取了不同的具体模式。虽然具体形式不同,但英美法律教育都最终走上了学术性与实践性相结合的道路。但是,单就法学院本身而言,英国和美国的法学院法律教育还存在性质、地位和教学等方面的巨大差异。     

关于美国横向并购反垄断审查政策最新发展的述评

2010《横向并购指南》体现了美国政府关于横向并购反垄断审查政策最新发展。一方面,2010《指南》维持了1992《指南》中一些重要的方面,同时,2010《指南》也对1992《指南》作出了较大的修改。2010《指南》所体现的横向并购反垄断审查政策和以前相比,审查重点有所变化,审查过程更灵活,分析工具更多元化,审查中考虑更多的因素,审查范围会更广,而审查的门槛也有所提高。     

The Transfer of Manufacturing Processes and Standards in U.S. Plants Operating in the U.K.

This paper finds that U.S. firms tend to utilize their manufacturing processes when operating in the U.K. but that they adopt the production standards of the host country. Three process technology variables are examined: MRP I (materials requirements planning), JIT (just in time), and TQM (total quality management). While significant differences are found between indigenous plants in each of the two countries, the adoption of these manufacturing technologies is similar for American firms operating in either country. In contrast, U.S. transplants are found to be enthusiastic adopters of ISO 9000, suggesting that host country effects are large when it comes to conforming to regional standards.     

U.S. policy in the UN environmental arena: powerful laggard or constructive leader?

As the world’s one remaining superpower, the United States stands forth as a hegemon in international politics. Within the traditional realist perspective, this means that the U.S. is decisive for the ambition and scope of international cooperation. However, research has shown that there is limited empirical support for this assumption when it comes to environmental cooperation. After a brief look at the U.S. general attitude and perception of the UN, this paper will then review general trends in U.S. foreign environmental policy within the United Nations context, including several key domestic factors that have influenced the U.S. in this area. I will then look more specifically at three UN institutions that are responsible for different aspects of environmental governance: United Nations global conferences (Stockholm in 1972, Rio de Janeiro in 1992 and Johannesburg in 2002), the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the Commission on Sustainable Development (CSD). The main focus will be how U.S. policies and influence in these arenas, and their relationship to UN reform, have evolved over time. Finally, the paper will attempt to analyze the American policies and answer the question posed in the title: is the U.S. a powerful laggard or a constructive leader?     

Death penalty views in China, Japan and the U.S.: An empirical comparison

Many nations impose the death penalty, yet most of the literature on capital punishment has focused on Western nations, particularly the U.S. China and Japan are two retentionist nations. Based on the data collected in 2005, this study examined the level of death penalty support and views on capital punishment among college students from China, Japan, and the U.S. It was found that Chinese respondents reported the highest level of death penalty support, followed by Japanese and U.S. students. Respondents from China and Japan were more likely to believe in the deterrence value of capital punishment than their U.S. counterparts. Views on retribution differed among the respondents. U.S. students were most likely to feel that innocent people are sentenced to death. In multivariate analyses, deterrence was the strongest correlate of death penalty views among Chinese and Japanese respondents, followed closely by retribution. For both Chinese and Japanese students, the barbarity of government taking the life of a person was the strongest predictor for opposing the death penalty. For U.S. respondents, retribution was the strongest reason for supporting capital punishment and the barbarity of executions was the strongest reason for opposing the death penalty.