Introduction

The aim of this collection is to analyse the nature of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and to consider its future. Given that regional integration is not simply an outcome but a complex and multidimensional process, the prognostic assessments of ASEAN made in this volume are drawn up from examinations of the Association??s historical background, economic interplays, political culture, diplomatic norms, institutional governance, and geopolitical surroundings. Reflecting on the conception and shifting dynamics of ASEAN, the essays expound major pressure points on the Association??s ambitious agenda for building ??one community?? with ??one vision?? and ??one identity?? among its members, and for staying in the ??driver??s seat?? of all regional initiatives in the wider East Asia.     

Centrality and Continuity: ASEAN and Regional Security since 1967

Security has undoubtedly been a central and continuous feature of ASEAN since its establishment. While it has modified its basic thinking on security and adapted elements of the attendant principles, aims and ways of operation to meet changed circumstances, the level of consistency is still readily observable. Centrality of a different sort has been evident, too, during the post-Cold War period. ASEAN has consciously sought to position itself at the heart of the developing security architecture in both East Asia and the wider Asia-Pacific. The Association has been largely successful at limiting competition and preventing inter-state conflict among its members and at fostering a stable regional order in Southeast Asia (and an incipient one outside of the boundaries of Southeast Asia). Broadly speaking, this stability has been aided and abetted by the policies of the major external powers in whose interests it has been, up until now. The extent to which a stable regional order remains in the interests of the major powers will be one of the great questions for the next phase of ASEAN??s life.     

China and Northeast Asia’s Regional Security Architecture: The Six-Party Talks as a Case of Chinese Regime-Building?

China, as host of the six-party talks first convened in August 2003, has been one of the major players in dealing with the North Korean nuclear crisis that began in October 2002. China??s role in the talks has helped to start shaping a stable regional security architecture in Northeast Asia. Beijing??s leadership in building a new security regime in the region suggests a change on Chinese perspectives regarding its role within the broader East Asia??s regional security architecture. After years of passiveness with regards to involvement in security regime building in the region, China has evolved into an active leader seeking to shape a more institutionalized security. Despite the obstacles to building a functioning regime in Northeast Asia, China seems poised to continue working towards creation of a more stable and institutionalized security architecture.     

Closing the Capability Gap: ASEAN Military Modernization during the Dawn of Autonomous Weapon Systems

ABSTRACT

The procurement of autonomous weapon systems is on the rise in Southeast Asia, where, as in other parts of the world, interest in the military applications of unmanned systems is outpacing fractured international regulation efforts. This article analyzes the diffusion of drone technology in Southeast Asia and argues that we are at an inflection point, representing an opportunity for The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to control the diffusion of unmanned platforms and take a leadership role in developing a regionally appropriate framework for their development. Moreover, it contends that with a regional framework in place to reduce tensions/misadventure, unmanned aerial and maritime vehicles (UAVs & UMVs) could improve ASEAN’s ability to respond to traditional and non-traditional security threats, and thus increase regional security.     

Does ASEAN Matter? International Relations Theories,Institutional Realism,and ASEAN

Abstract

The 1997 economic crisis and the ensuing political and social disorders not only have put regional security at stake, but also have seriously challenged the relevance of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in regional affairs. This article introduces a new institutional theory – institutional realism – to address the widely debated questions: Does ASEAN matter? If so, how? It argues that (1) ASEAN still matters in terms of coping with extra-regional threats through an institutional balancing strategy; (2) ASEAN's future depends on its institutional consolidation in dealing with intra-regional security problems.     

Moving Towards an ASEAN Economic Community

Why are the ASEAN economies increasingly becoming anxious about regional integration? To stay competitive is an obvious answer. Greater cohesion is also imperative for ASEAN to sustain its credibility of being able to provide the platform for interactions in East Asia and the rest of the world. Yet what is offered by the ASEAN Free Trade Area, the ASEAN Framework Agreement on Services, and the ASEAN Investment Area may not be adequate or comprehensive enough for the Association to amass the economic clout commensurate with its position as a pivotal player in East Asia. The ASEAN Economic Community is thus the logical, but not automatic, extension of these regional efforts. Can it come to fruition? This paper discusses how the ASEAN economies may address key issues that have hampered deeper economic integration in the region.     

东亚区域合作领导权模式构想:东盟机制下的中美日合作领导模式

在东亚区域合作进程中,不能不面对领导权的问题。由于东亚地区政治、经济、文化、制度等方面的多元化,决定了该地区合作进程中领导权问题的特殊性。目前东亚地区的领导权(主导权)现状是小国主导模式(东盟模式)。本文笔者对可能存在的美国领导模式、日本领导模式、中国领导模式、中日合作领导模式等进行了可行性分析,提出了东盟机制下的中美日合作领导模式。东盟机制下的中美日合作领导模式解决了中、美、日三大国都不具备单独领导该地区的绝对资质问题;承认了美国在东亚的利益存在,有利于实现美国与东亚国家间的共存共赢;尊重了目前东盟主导东亚区域合作的现实,弥补了东盟模式的不足;能够调动中等国家、非政府组织等利益相关者的积极性。     

The Japan‐US alliance and the Asia‐Pacific region

For the past fifty years the Japan‐US alliance has provided the framework for Asia‐Pacific security, says Jusuf Wanandi, Chairman of the Centre for Strategic International Studies in Indonesia and former research fellow at IIPS. The region's political and economic dynamics are changing, Wanandi says, and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) supports an increased Japanese security role, with regional organizations acting as a conduit. But before Japan will win the confidence of some Asian neighbors, he says, Japan must open its economy, reform its domestic politics, and come to terms with its militaristic past.     

Regional Integration in ASEAN: Institutional Design and the ASEAN Way

This paper investigates regional integration in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) by analyzing the agreements developed within the ASEAN framework since its founding in 1967. This examination reveals that, although integration in ASEAN is certainly influenced by norms and values, the integration process can be best understood by intergovernmentalism. While many agreements have been developed within the ASEAN framework and have become more legalistic in nature, they tend to mostly be in functional areas and exhibit low levels of transparency and delegation. The design of ASEAN is indicative of an overriding concern for state sovereignty as a key strategic interest for member states.     

东盟与欧盟关系三十年评析

东南亚国家联盟(东盟)在其发展过程中,非常重视与欧洲联盟(欧盟)的联系与合作.2007年是东盟建立40周年和欧盟成立50周年,同时也是这两个区域合作组织正式建立关系30周年,回顾和展望东盟与欧盟之间关系的发展具有特别的意义.30年来,东盟与欧盟的关系虽然经历过诸多曲折,但基本上是处于不断调整和加强的状态.特别是随着冷战结束后世界经济全球化和区域经济合作进程的加快,东盟与欧盟关系在共同利益的驱动下,正在步人一个新的阶段.本文拟回顾东盟与欧盟30年来双边关系的发展历程,探讨东盟与欧盟关系发展的特点,并对东盟与欧盟关系今后的发展前景做出一些分析和判断.     

China-ASEAN Economic Co-operation and the Role of Provinces

This article attempts to study the rationales and strategies of China's involvement in sub-regional economic co-operation projects with the countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), using the Greater Mekong Basin Sub-region and the Pan-Beibu Gulf Area as examples. It analyses China's diplomatic and economic motivations, as well as the strengths and weaknesses of this involvement. It also examines China's involvement at the provincial level and, in particular, the motivations, strategies, strengths and limitations on the part of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region in its participation in the Pan-Beibu Gulf Area project. China considers that its involvement facilitates its articulation of its interests, enhancement of its influence and promotion of multipolarity. Further, it would allow China to maintain a relatively low profile while seeking leadership and reducing external pressures. There are also the considerations of reducing China's aid commitments and accelerating the development of China's central and western provinces.     

ASEAN in a Globalizing World

In the early 1990s, ASEAN emerged from the Cold War as a confident regional organization. With the accession of Cambodia, it seemed to be fulfilling the aspirations of its founding fathers to expand membership to include all ten Southeast Asian countries. Since the Asian financial crisis of 1997, however, ASEAN's self-confidence has been dealt a severe blow and it faces unprecedented challenges to its current status and future prospects. In the following article, former Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas, examines the various issues facing ASEAN today, including the impact of the Asian crisis; the ramifications of socioeconomic and political crises in the affected ASEAN countries; the implications of the rapid and fundamental changes in the international and regional economic, political and security environment; and the enlargement of ASEAN membership. Despite questions over ASEAN's future role, Alatas asserts his belief in the continuing relevance of this regional forum to contribute to regional stability.     

ASEAN and Northeast Asian energy security: Cooperation or competition?

For several decades, Northeast Asia has invested heavily in ASEAN’s fossil fuel industries. This investment has been fundamental in ASEAN’s industrial and regional development and has also been a main source of foreign exchange. In recent years, however, while energy demand in Japan and Korea has been slowing down, it has begun to increase rapidly in ASEAN at a time when some of its own oil and gas fields are beginning to decline. The sharp rise in ASEAN's demand for energy is partly the result of massive FDI from Northeast Asia in manufacturing enterprises. This investment is enabling ASEAN to become less dependent on the export of fossil fuels for foreign exchange. Indonesia has already announced it is reducing its energy exports to Japan because it wants to use the fuel domestically. Without doubt, the other ASEAN energy exporting countries will also soon be reconsidering their energy export contracts with Northeast Asia.     

Providers Not Protectors: Institutionalizing Responsible Sovereignty in Southeast Asia

Abstract

Despite their declaratory support for the United Nations' adoption of the “responsibility to protect” (R2P) principle, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) governments nonetheless reject the UN proposition that military intervention can and should be employed for implementing the R2P. However, this reluctance has not precluded the development of an ethic of responsible sovereignty in Southeast Asia. But rather than responsibility as protection as assumed by the R2P, ASEAN countries arguably define responsibility in terms of provision for the well-being of their populaces. The development of such an ethic in Southeast Asia has been uneven as evidenced by the Myanmar government's initial reluctance to receive foreign humanitarian assistance following Cyclone Nargis in 2008. That said, as the contemporary policy debate and regional institutional developments in Southeast Asia together attest, an ethic of responsible provision is emerging among ASEAN states.     

Issues in regional integration of east asia: conflicting priorities and perceptions

Since the end of the 1990s, the ASEAN countries and China, Korea and Japan have been pursuing regionalist efforts, namely the ASEAN?+?3 process. With Japan's participation, it is the first major endeavour for East Asia to establish a regionwide economic integration. The success of the integration process, however, depends on how the countries solve multiple issues, such as diverse expectations of economic integration among the members, the drifting course of US policies towards East Asia and an emerging contest for regional leadership between Japan and China. This article intends to illustrate these issues and suggests that there are a number of uncertainties in the integration process and that the region may have not necessarily found effective means to overcome the problems.     

Vietnam–Japan Relations in the Context of Building an East Asian Community

As the regionalism in East Asia has largely been characterized by networks of bilateral relations, the linkages between regional factors and bilateral relations in East Asia were clearly witnessed in the Cold War and the post-Cold War period. As a new period of regional cooperation has been ushered in under the so-called “East Asian Community” framework, it is essential to note that such interplay continues to be one of the most prominent characteristics in East Asia. The case study analysis of bilateral relations between Vietnam, a developing member in the Association for Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and Japan, the region's leading economic power in Northeast Asia, provides an insightful look at the positive relationship between the regional conditions and bilateral relations in the new East Asia context. More importantly, bilateral relations can make significant contribution to shaping the regional setting, instead of being passively affected as in the past.     

ASEAN's Indispensable Role in Regional Construction

The main objective of this paper is to answer the question why the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) should play a central role in constructing new security architecture in East Asia. The main argument of the paper is that, unlike other regions, a number of factors account for the complicated conditions observed in the East Asian region that provide a chance for ASEAN to be a central player in this process, promising because small and middle powers rarely can abuse power.

In order to achieve this objective, the paper is divided into three parts. The first part will analyze the major obstacles to the building of a constructive new China-Japan relationship akin to the post-World War II (WWII) ties between France and Germany. The second part analyzes the pivot to Asia by the United States to consolidate its role as regional facilitator. The third part shows why ASEAN can take the lead as a driving force or catalyst in fostering regional cooperation, because as mentioned above neither China nor Japan can do it at this stage. The paper concludes that despite the fact that ASEAN still faces many weaknesses and limitations, it continues to serve as a central player in an emerging architecture where, so far, no new alternative has appeared.     

The growing role of NGOs in ASEAN

The role and activities of nongovernment organizations (NGOs) in Southeast Asia are increasing, says JoAnn Fagot Aviel, Professor of International Relations at San Francisco State University. This growth is being encouraged both by the increasing emphasis, world‐wide, on regionalization and by the attempts by the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) to promote regional economic cooperation. Although in the past NGOs have been on the periphery of ASEAN, Aviel argues that the future of the Association may depend as much on the activities of NGOs as on those of ASEAN's governments and private enterprises. In this article, Aviel focuses on the role played by NGOs in the Asian region and their relationship with ASEAN. She predicts that NGO activity in Southeast Asia will continue to grow and forge links between people in the region.     

跨太平洋伙伴关系协议(TPP):研究前沿与架构

"跨太平洋伙伴关系协议"(TPP)在美国的积极推动下发展迅速,似乎将成为亚太地区新的竞争性区域合作机制。TPP以成员国全面零关税、知识产权保护、劳工和环保等议题为特点,提出建立高质量和高标准的自由贸易区,已吸引了包括美国在内的亚太九国参加协议谈判。在TPP建立过程中,美国企图重获亚太经济主导权的意图明显;日本虽积极参与,但自身困难重重;东盟在巩固现有基础上,并不排斥新机制出现。当前,美国主导TPP势头正盛,但其发展态势并不明朗,TPP谈判仍将面临美国国内政治因素和技术问题的双重障碍以及日本能否顺利加入等问题;当前的国际政治与经济局势,使中国面临新的挑战与机遇,宜通过调整经济结构,扩大内需,完善和巩固现有区域合作战略以积极应对TPP的发展。未来,中国与美日韩以及东盟等双边和多边经贸关系受TPP的实质影响将成为新一轮研究重点。     

论东盟的法律人格

法律人格对国际组织具有重要作用,东盟自成立以来一直没有法律人格.<东盟宪章>授予东盟法律人格,确立了东盟的法律人格地位.东盟法律人格的确立对加强东盟内部团结,促进东盟自身建设,增强东盟的国际行为能力,保持东盟在亚太区域合作中的独特地位都具有重要的影响.