The Portuguese Appeasement Policy in Macau's Church and State Relations

For the last four centuries, under the policy of the Portuguese Padroado1454, the Macau Catholic Church has been closely associated with the Portuguese rulers of Macau in governing this ‘Chinese territory under the Portuguese rule’. This church–state relationship in Macau before the Chinese takeover (1999) and after has become a client–patron relationship under the shadow of the Portuguese appeasement policy. In the context of the appeasement policy, this paper aims at discussing: (1) the close alliance between the Portuguese government and the Catholic Church in Macau, offering special privileges and convenience to the Church but weakening church capacity in evangelization and spiritual leadership; and (2) the interactions of the three actors in the triangular relationship among the Vatican, China and Macau.     

Restructuring China's State Corporatist Industrial Relations System: the Wenling experience

Intensifying labour conflict in China has posed a serious challenge to the industrial relations system. Under growing pressure, the Chinese government has sought to reform the system but the results are meagre. Among the supposedly successful cases, the development of collective bargaining in Wenling, Zhejiang province has been hailed as a model of labour relations to be replicated elsewhere. Based on a detailed case study of Wenling, this study aims to analyze the process whereby local government reconstructs the industrial relations system by organizing and incorporating the interest of employers and workers, leading to regularized wage growth and reduced labour dispute. This restructuring, the study argues, is designed to create a functional state corporatist system by means of expanding union representation and instituting tripartite collective bargaining. However, the tensions in the state corporatist structure may still undermine any attempt by the government to reconstruct industrial relations.     

China's Distinctive System: can it be a model for others?

The idea of the ‘Beijing Consensus’ does not accurately describe what has happened in China, nor does it represent a consensus among Chinese economists and policy-makers. This article presents six distinctive features of China's economic development, and argues that while each provides important lessons, none are easily copied by other developing countries. The intertwining of state and market in China is at the root of China's most distinctive developmental features. However, the specific character of the Chinese system and the way in which government and business relations have been structured cannot be readily replicated in other countries.     

Chinese Strategic Culture and the Use of Force: moral and political perspectives

This article reviews and explains Chinese attitudes towards the use of force in international affairs, especially from the perspective of strategic culture. The author traces back the traditional values which originated from ancient Chinese thoughts and also researches Mao Zedong's perception of war, which symbolizes the contemporary Chinese military strategic theory, and Deng Xiaoping and Hu Jintao's discourse on war thereafter, which represents the beliefs of the Chinese government after adopting the opening-up and reform policy. The case studies of the Korean War, the Vietnam War and the two Iraq Wars further explore the principles which dominate the diplomatic decision-making processes. The article concludes that China, in the predictable future, will still firmly adhere to the principles of state sovereignty, non-interference and non-use of force principles, while at the same time China will not hesitate to participate in the multilateral operations which are ratified with UN Security Council authorization and contribute increasingly to improving humanitarian situations due to its moral and political understanding of the use of force in international relations.=     

Fiscal Federalism: a refined theory and its application in the Chinese context

China's central–local relations have been marked by perpetual changes amidst economic restructuring. Fiscal decentralization on the expenditure side has been paralleled by centralization on the revenue side, accompanied by political centralization. Hence, our understanding of China's fiscal relations is not without controversy. This paper aims to make a theoretical contribution to the ongoing debate on ‘fiscal federalism’ by addressing crucial questions regarding China's central–local fiscal relations: first, to what extent do Chinese central–local fiscal relations conform to fiscal federalism in the Western literature? Second, are there any problems with existing principles of fiscal federalism and, if so, how to refine them? Third, how are refined principles relevant to the Chinese case and what policies should the Chinese government pursue in the future? Based on an in-depth and critical review of the theories on fiscal federalism, we develop a refined prototype of fiscal federalism. The model shows that quasi-traditional fiscal federalism is a much closer reality in China, while we argue that the refined fiscal federalism should be the direction of future reform in China.     

From Look-West to Act-West: Xinjiang’s role in China–Central Asian relations

China has been quite successful in developing its relations with Central Asian states and expanding its influence in the region since the 1990s. Most analysts contribute the success to the strategy and policy of China’s national central government. This observation certainly has a lot of truth, but at the same time we should not neglect or downplay the role that the local government in Xinjiang has played in cementing China–Central Asian ties. Xinjiang has functioned as an indispensable actor in China’s look-west and act-west policies towards Central Asia and beyond. With Chinese foreign policy elites increasingly interested in using the act-west policy as part of their counter-hedging strategy in Asia, Xinjiang appears to enjoy many more opportunities and play an even more significant role in China’s relations with countries in its western flank.     

Municipal People's Congress Elections in the PRC: a process of co-option

Congress elections are an important part of political–legal studies in China. The literature has covered the direct election process, voters' attitudes and behaviors, and Party–congress–government relations in Chinese elections. Based on on-site observations, interviews and first-hand documents, this article explores the process of indirect elections at the municipal level. This article examines the interaction among institutions taking part in the municipal congress elections. It also addresses how the social structure changes affect congress elections and deputy compositions. It reveals that an implicit function of the congress election is to co-opt new social groups and interests into the establishment. Such co-option is an adaptive strategy of the Party state in the reform era.     

New Strategies of Civil Society in China: a case study of the network governance approach

Since the turn of the millennium, a second generation of Chinese civil society organisations (CSOs) have started taking on issues such as rural migrant integration, social service provision, as well as community building. Organisations such as Beijing-based Shining Stone Community Action (SSCA) can be seen as the avant-garde of a second wave of humanistic, community-based CSOs which are willing to help improve the strained state–society relationship in the People's Republic of China (PR China). In order to advance their values and interests, civil society practitioners are willing to engage with Chinese government officials. By gaining the trust of First-in-Command (FIC) cadres they manage to introduce ideas such as the principle of subsidiarity, solidarity and reciprocity. Civil society practitioners thereby initiate open-ended processes of communication, consultation and cooperation. Such processes help promote cross-sector collaboration between Chinese civil society organisations and local government agencies. These developments signify an incremental change from government control (guanzhi) to public management (guanli) and to network governance (zhili). As a framework for the case study the authors look at strategies for the establishment of cooperative relations, focusing on steering mechanisms and process factors. In order to further understand the dynamics of cross-sector collaboration they further explore the social capital dimensions of the principle of reciprocity and trust. To evaluate outcomes and impacts of cross-sector collaboration, the authors discuss the ability of collaboration partners to produce tangible results and to innovate. The findings show that successful experiments with cross-sector collaboration not only depend on structural factors but also on the skills and strategies of the individuals and organisations involved.     

China's land disposition system

This paper studies the present land disposition (requisition and acquisition) and land use rights transfer system in China with emphasis on its marketization and its institutional arrangement concerning the central state and the local government. China's current land property right system is first described. It finds that although the communist government gained full control over the Chinese Mainland in 1949, it had never constitutionalized the state ownership of land until December 1982. Since then, the State owns all urban (nonagricultural) land and the rural collectives jointly own agricultural land. Only the user rights of urban land are allowed to be transferred. China's land administration system, its historical evolution, and its institutional configuration are then studied. Institutional difficulties associated with this system are also discussed. This paper proceeds further to study China's land requisition approval system. The role of the local government in land transactions is also discussed. The rest of this paper inquires into the marketization of land transactions in China. Discussion on the trend of China's land market development, suggestions for its improvement and remarks for future studies conclude this paper.     

“白澳政策”的兴衰与二战后澳大利亚对华移民政策的重大调整

作为一个典型的移民国家,澳大利亚历史上长期推行种族主义的"白澳政策"。战后以来,在世界进步潮流推动下,澳大利亚政府逐步调整对华移民政策,1972年中澳建交后,最终废止"白澳政策",对中国和亚洲推行新移民政策并不断加以调整,中澳关系进入了一个新阶段,华人社会不断发生适应新形势的整合与嬗变。本文论述了"白澳政策"的历史兴衰和二战后澳大利亚政府对华移民政策演变的发展轨迹、主要内容和特点,以及最终废止"白澳政策"的基本原因。     

略论西南民族关系的三重结构

本文提出,西南地区民族关系主要在三个方面得以展开。一是民族社会与国家权力之间的互动关系;二是民族社会各民族之间的关系;三是汉民族与各少数民族之间的关系,并由此建立起了西南民族关系纵横交错的三重结构。本文进一步分析了在这三重结构中影响西南地区民族关系的一些重要因素。     

译书与中国近代化

译书 ,作为沟通中西文化交流的重要渠道 ,对促进东西方文明的发展作出过重要贡献。近代译书 ,大体上分为教会、官方、民间三方面的力量。尽管各方译书的目的、内容各有不同 ,但对于中国走向世界、走向近代化的作用不可低估。     

The Ongoing Reforms to China's Government and State Sector: The case of the energy industry

Though the reforms announced by the Chinese government in the spring of 1998 appear to be substantial and wide ranging, by themselves they may have little impact either on the effectiveness of government or on the performance of the state industries. Two outstanding problems are the structure and allocation of responsibilities within the government, and the excessive power of the state companies. The tasks of regulation and policy formulation in the energy sector should be clearly allocated in a simple administrative structure which specifically excludes any role for the state companies. The present structure of the state-owned energy industries is such that these companies have a great deal of power, not only in the market but also with respect to the government.     

Transnational Ties,HIV/AIDS Prevention and State–Minority Relations in Sipsongpanna,Southwest China

This paper depicts the transnational ethnic and religious ties between China and Southeast Asia and examines the cultural, political and economic implications for state–minority relations in Southwest China. It documents how transnational ethnic and religious ties facilitate cultural revival among the ethnic Dai people in Southwest China and examines the impact of Buddhist networks on local governance. In particular, it portrays the cooperative relationship between the Chinese state and the Buddhist Sangha on social issues such as HIV/AIDS prevention and care. The paper argues that the Chinese state is more willing to cooperate with transnational ethnic and religious groups when the latter can help improve local governance and generate economic development, under the condition that they do not challenge the state's ultimate legitimacy and authority.     

Bureaucrats–Enterprise Negotiation in China's Enterprise Reform at the Local Level: case studies in Guangzhou

This article explores the implementation of SOE reform in China at the local level, using case studies in Guangzhou as illustration. It is argued that local government spearheads a reform agenda that puts locally-defined state objectives first, not necessarily favouring enterprise restructuring. A full-fledged negotiation model does not exist in SOE reforms because all enterprises are controlled by the state and have to comply with top-down policies and orders. Government-enterprise relations and the degree of entrepreneurial power depend largely on the economic strength of the enterprise, with the boomers getting a good economic bargain while the laggards fail to gain sympathy from government. Enterprise workers are largely at the mercy of restructuring decisions that come from bargaining and at times collusion between managers and local bureaucrats.     

Securing Economic Relations Across the Taiwan Straits: New challenges and opportunities

Cross-Taiwan Straits economic interaction is a political as well as an economic issue. General trends of economic interdependence and globalization that are weakening the role of the nation state should promote a focus of shared 'civilian governance' between Taiwan and mainland China. WTO entry will provide opportunities as well as challenges for cross-Strait economic relations. In anticipation of this dynamic, the new government in Taiwan is attempting to design a new national security web to guarantee Taiwan's 'economic security' in coping with Taiwan's increasing economic dependence on mainland China. As one key agent of globalization, economic cooperation in the urban areas on both sides of the Taiwan Strait may potentially improve relations between Taiwan and mainland China. As decentralization and privatization on mainland China proceed, major cities have developed closer interaction and systems of accountability with the civil society. From a prudent perspective, developing functional cooperation between Taiwan and mainland China at the urban level could be a first substantial step to confidence building between these two economies.     

省级“政府绩效评价”模式及比较

省级政府在中国层级政府结构中具有特殊地位。作为体制内评价,省级政府绩效评价体现中央政府的宏观意图,对市、县、镇级政府有着决定性影响。目前省级政府绩效评价或政绩考核可划分为"效能考核"、"科学发展水平考核评价"与"政府绩效评价"三种模式,福建、广东、深圳具有代表性。由于中国各地的情况迥然有别,不同评价模式表现出自身的地方特色和领导者的个人风格,但总体上看,三种模式均可视为自上而下的标杆管理,甚至成为强化上级政府管治的"理性工具"。     

The Local Corporatist State and NGO Relations in China

This article examines the Chinese state's interactions and influences on the development of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) through a corporatist framework. It suggests that not only is the central state actively involved in the development of NGOs, but increasingly the successes of NGOs are determined by their interactions with the local state. We profile NGOs in Shanghai, of varying sizes, budgets and issue-areas, as a case study to understand the interplay between NGOs and the local state. The article further discusses reasons behind the growing shift from central to local state influences, and the potential future implications for state–NGO relations in China.     

中国特色传媒体制:历史沿革与发展完善

传媒体制是涉及政党、政府、社会与媒体关系的根本性制度安排。本文回顾了我国传媒体制建立、改革和发展的历史,分析不同时期我国传媒体制的特点,认为经过改革开放30多年的探索,我国传媒体制已形成包括领导体制、管理体制、职能体制、经营体制、社会体制等多层次、多方面的制度体系。本文提出,在新形势下推进传媒体制创新,必须着眼于掌握媒体这一执政资源,促进媒体繁荣发展,从我国传媒业的发展历程来把握传媒体制的发展方向,从改革开放特别是党的十六大以来我国传媒改革发展的经验中获得启示,不断深化对党管媒体的理解,丰富领导和管理媒体的途径、办法,大力拓展媒体发展空间,形成有利于激发媒体积极性创造性的体制环境。     

Taiwan's Expansion of International Space: opportunities and challenges

While much is to be celebrated since Taiwan President Ma Ying-jeou's inauguration in 2008, cross-Strait relations are not without challenges. One such crucial test is Ma's call for Chinese leaders to stop isolating Taipei in the world community and give Taiwan adequate ‘international space’. Because the issue strikes at the heart of the fundamental differences between Taipei's and Beijing's positions regarding the island's sovereignty, it needs to be handled carefully by both governments for better cross-Strait relations. This study analyzes the approaches adopted by both Beijing and Taipei regarding Taiwan's status in the international community. Utilizing discussion with Chinese scholars and government officials and the analysis of several waves of survey data conducted in Taiwan, it argues that Beijing's flexibility in its application of the ‘one China’ principle and the Ma administration's practicality in making its requests are critical to the realization of Taipei's demand for international space and hence cross-Strait stability.